ing questions: Whether it was lawful for a member of the Reformed Church to marry a Papist? whether popish baptism was efficacious? and in what manner the doctrine of the resurrection of the body was to be explained? Calvin, who seems to have been struck with the talents and learning of the young Socinus, though he disapproved of his over-inquisitive turn of mind, answered these questions in two elaborate letters. In these he wholly condemns marriage with a Catholic; but does not consider popish baptism as inefficacious, but, on the contrary, thinks it should be resorted to when none other can be had. The reasons he assigns are, that the Papists must still be considered as constituting some remains of a church, however deformed and corrupt; and that the character of the baptizer, whether he be an atheist, or even a devil, is of no consequence as to the validity of the sacrament. With regard to the third question-the resurrection of the flesh-how should it have been possible to answer a man who wished to know the exact manner of it: whether, as our body is continually changing, we should receive again that of our youth, or of our old age, which can not be said to be the same bodies? whether those who have been mutilated in life would rise with perfect bodies?" and other questions of the same description. Calvin answered Socinus, as well as he could on such a subject, in his first letter, by referring him to the different texts of Scripture relating to it; at the same time declaring the question to be one rather of curiosity than utility. But when he found that Socinus was not satisfied with his answer, he refused to enter further into the question.

Toward the end of 1549, the general assembly suddenly abolished the four festivals, which had still continued to be celebrated at Geneva: namely, those of the New Year, the Annunciation, the Ascension, and Christmas; a step which created a feeling of great discontent at Berne, and indeed almost led to an open rupture with that city. Calvin has given an account of this matter in a letter to Haller, and in one to another minister, in which he defends himself from the charge of having had any part in it. In these he states, that when he came to Geneva, he found that all festivals had been already abolished by Farel and Viret, except the Lord's day;

Epp. 103 and 104.

2 See the tract of Socinus on this subject, in Trechsel, Antitr., ii., Beil.

445.

3 On the 16th of November. See Ruchat, v. 425. Beza places this oc currence in the following year; but he is not always correct in his dates

Epp. 118 and 128.

that the four celebrated at Berne were re-established by the same decree of the people by which Farel and himself were banished; that upon his return from exile he might easily have effected their abolition; but that seeing the heat that prevailed on the subject between the different parties, he preferred a middle course, namely, that these festivals should be observed in the morning by shutting the shops and abstaining from business, but that after dinner they should be reopened, and work resumed; that this practice had led to disorder, and had excited a suspicion among strangers that the Genevese were not well agreed among themselves, inasmuch as some of the citizens observed this regulation, while others did not; and that he had therefore exhorted the council to find some remedy for this difference; but had neither advised, nor even desired, the abolition of the festivals, concerning which he had not been consulted, and which he had heard of with the greatest surprise.

All this may be literally true; yet Calvin himself acknowledges that he was not sorry for the change which had been effected; and in his position it was easy enough to show which way his wishes inclined without expressing any direct and open opinion upon the subject. But what throws something more than a suspicion on the candor of this defense is the fact that in December, 1544, as appears from the Registers, Calvin had actually recommended to the council the abolition of the festival of Christmas, as well as of the other three.1 At the same time, as he remarks in his letter to Haller, there seems to be no good reason why the Bernese should have taken such offense at the line of conduct adopted by the Genevese, who were surely the best judges of what the interests and discipline of their church required. Calvin was so much blamed for this change that it was even rumored in some quarters that he meant to abolish the Sabbath.2

In 1550 Calvin introduced another alteration in the discipline of the Genevese church. It being thought that suf ficient effect was not produced by mere preaching, he determined that at certain seasons each minister, accompanied by one of the elders, should visit the houses of his parishioners, for the purpose of interrogating them as to their faith,

1 "Le jour de Noel sera célébré comme à l'ordinaire quoique Calvin ait représenté au Conseil que l'on pourroit se dispenser de faire cette fête de même que les trois autres."-Régistres, 19 Dec., 1544. Grènus, Fragmens Biographiques, sub anno.

2 Ep. 128.

CALVIN'S TRACT 66 DE SCANDALIS."

215

and giving them instructions. Beza ascribes wonderful effects to this practice.' But, meanwhile, this extraordinary strictness of discipline was developing one of its usual results by producing the most consummate hypocrisy; as will always be the case in any religious system which demands too great an outward appearance of piety, and exactions too rigid for ordinary human nature. Some of the greatest scoundrels in Geneva were the most regular in attending the sermons. In the course of the year we find Calvin complaining to the council respecting the sentence of a criminal executed for coining base money, in which was inserted that he was one of those who had taken refuge at Geneva for the sake of religion, and that he went to church every day: a clause which he maintained to be derisive and contrary to God's honor.2 But is hypocrisy no offense in the eye of God? And if it be, how can it be contrary to his honor to denounce a man as a hypocrite, as well as a rogue? But Calvin would not have a word whispered against the refugees.

To the offense which had been taken at the abolition of the fêtes Beza ascribes the origin of Calvin's work “De Scandalis," the dedication of which to M. de Normandie is dated the 9th of July, 1550, the anniversary of Calvin's birthday, Scandalum is here used in its primitive sense of "a stumbling-block," or, "rock of offense;" and scandals are divided into three principal classes; first, the offense which proud and worldly men take at the simplicity of the gospel, &c.; second, the sects and divisions which arise among the preachers of the gospel; third, the scandals which spring from the wickedness, hypocrisy, ingratitude, and vanity of worldlings. Among the contemners of the gospel Calvin names Rabelais, Agrippa, and others.

Laurent de Normandie, to whom this work is dedicated, had filled the office of lieutenant de roi at Noyon, and had left his native town, with Calvin and his family, for the sake of religion. The popish inhabitants of Noyon held them both in the greatest detestation; and in 1551, a false report having been spread of Calvin's death, they offered up solemn prayers on the occasion. Some time afterward M. de Normandie was burned in effigy at Noyon by an arrêt of the par

1 Vita Calv., anno 1550.

3

2" Calvin se plaint comme d'une dérision contraire a l'honneur de Dieu de ce que l'on a inséré dans la sentence d'un criminel exécuté pour fausse monnoie, qu'il s'étoit rétiré içi pour la religion et alloit tous les jours au prêche."-Régistres, 3 Nov. 1550. Grénus, Fragmens Biographiques. 3 Calvin to Farel, Ep. 140.

liament of Paris. By the same arrêt the minister Abel was cited to appear before the court of Noyon, though ridiculously enough, no mention was made of Calvin. A few days after the burning of M. de Normandie's effigy a great fire occurred at Noyon, which, by a sort of miracle, left the house of Calvin's father standing, though all around it were reduced to ashes. The person who related this to Calvin regarded it as a judgment of God against the inhabitants of Noyon, for the conduct towards M. de Normandie.1

1 Ep. 143.

CHAPTER VIII.

St. Augustin and Pelagius-Predestination-Case of Bolsec-Calvin's Account of his Tenets-Bolsec indicted-The Swiss Churches consulted -Bolsec's Life in danger-Bullinger's Advice to Calvin-Letter of the Bernese Ministers-M. de Fallais patronizes Bolsec-Calvin's Tract on Predestination-Calvin and the English Church-Affair of Dr. Hooper -Cranmer's Principles and Projects of Union-Calvin's Letter to himMisconceives Cranmer's Situation.

IT has been seen that in his book against Pighius, on the subject of predestination, Calvin had only entered into what may be called the philosophical portion of the question, or that concerning the freedom or servitude of the human will; while the treatment of the more awful and important part of it, namely, that of absolute decrees, had been deferred to some future opportunity. His multifarious occupations, and perhaps also the want of some stimulus to draw him out, had hitherto prevented him from again taking up his pen on this subject; but an event which happened in the year 1551, not only led to a public agitation of the question, but induced him to finish the work which he had begun against Pighius. This was his quarrel with Bolsec on the subject of his favorite doctrine.

St. Augustin, who flourished toward the end of the fourth, and the beginning of the fifth centuries, was the first of the Fathers who introduced the doctrine of predestination into the Christian Church. The youth of Augustin had been dissolute, and his education irregular; but a lively genius, and an inquisitive turn of mind, led him into researches respecting the origin of evil, the nature of God, and other difficult and abstruse questions, which only served to perplex and bewilder an understanding untrained by proper discipline and culture. On the very threshold of manhood and reason he fell into the Manichean heresy, in which he remained for nine years; during which period he also indulged in the dreams of judicial astrology. He owed his conversion to the Catholic faith chiefly to St. Ambrose, bishop of Milan; but he had passed his thirtieth year before he became a catechumen.1 Even after his conversion, however, he was still haunted by his 1 Tillemont, Mém. Eccl., xiii., 51, et seq.

K