4. We wish that former Questi on cou'd be as eafily antwer'd as In reply we that no Man. sinvolving no Contradiction, nor Q. 'Ts a known Maxim in herefore being in themselves im- Moral Philofophy, That the Will offible. GOD requires of us to does not defire Evil as fuch, but epent of all Sins, (which as be- only as it has fome Appearance of fore is in our Power, with his Affi- Good, i. e. as 'tis either pleasant tance) and to ftrive against even or profitable. What Account then effer Sin; and in doing thus, he can be given, that Grief, and has promis'd he will forgive thofe Envy, and Impatience, which it is Sins which we, not GOD have in our Power to difcard, or at brought us under a fort of Neceffi- leaft to mitigate, fhould be perty of committing. As to your mitted to lodge fo much in fome further Objections, We Anfwer, Mens Breafts, when they only 'tis this fiftance, this Forgive-gnaw, and difquiet their Minds,: nefs which makes Chrift's Yoke and confequently have not so much eafie, he not being a rigid Ex-as the Appearance of Good? Or. actor or a hard Mafter, but ac- why should Mens Will Torment cepting a fincere tho' imperfect when they might enjoy themObdience. To your last Objecti- felves? on, if it had never been poffible for us to have obey'd the Law, it wou'd hold that fuch a Law were this indeed unjuft and tyrannical; but fay fince as before, this was once poffi-Wills Grief, or Impatience, as: ble, nay fince the merciful Law-they are Evil, but under an Apgiver has after our voluntary of-pearance of Good. 'Tis undoubt fence given us a general Pardon, edly true, that many wilfully let which he was not oblig'd to, upon themselves a grieving, or raving, very fair and eafie Conditions, and 'tis as certain that this muit be requiring no more of us than is a Torment unto 'em, but yet they now in our Power to perform, he hope hereby to bring about himfelfalfo giving us that Power, their Defires; ill natur'd Mafters for thefe Reasons we fay there is or Husbands rage and rave, in nothing hard or tyrannical to hopes they shall be better, obey'd much as in the firit Law and Cove- for't (tho' they are most commonnant, much less in that New-Cove-ly mistaken) or elfe becaule thole nant, and New Law between Man-outward Expreffionsvent and lefkind and their Creator: And this we fen the inward Pain of their Mind, hope will be fufficient both to vin- or in hopes thereby to do it. Thus dicate the Juftice of God, and yet in Envy, the Devil is doubtledly to preclude the licentiousufe which Envious enough at the Happiness Il men might make of our Opini-of Mankind, and yet's he's wife on in this Matter which enough to know that by all his afterall we fubinit to thofe of more Malice, and Impatience, and Envy, Learning and Judgment, of whom he can't make himself really more we wou'd more readily learn our happy, but rather increate than felves, than teach others. eafe his Pain,and yet his Will is for corrupted, that undoubtedly this Spite and Malice hasto him an ap Vol. II. pearance of Good, or otherwife | fome think Purgatory and Indulhe wou'd never chufe it. So to gences (the Doctrine of 'em) and inftance a little lower, the De- Pareus is in the Mind that it can ftruction of a Man's Country can be nothing elfe but the Council of never be in it felf Good, nay not Trent. So various are the Judg fo much as truly Good to him who ments of learned and good Men defires it, who must expect to fall in particular Controverfies of this in the common Calamity; yet Nature, things being perhaps exthere are fome Men fo full of preffed thus in the Dark on purpose Impatience, Matice, and Envy, that to make us humble. they'll gladly fet Fire in the Gun- for the great and main Parts room, tho' they're fure to blow up of this Prophefie themselves as well as all the reft Rome, and Papal Rome too, is of the Ships Company, and their Babylon, and fhall as fuch be decankered Will chufes that as an ftroy'd by the Divine Vengeance, apparent Good, which is a real is, we think, very demonitrable, Evil. tho' neither they themielves, nor a great many others, love to hear on't. Q. Pray the Meaning of that, Rev. 16. 3. And every living Soul died in the Sea ¿ -Tho' that Q. What's your Opinion of the famous Joan of Arc, or La Pucelle D'Orleans, was she an Impoftor, or a Saint,- -and whether she was justly burnt by the A. We think it one of the ftrangeft Accidents in all our Hiftory, it being plainly that simple Girl, who beat us out of France, when we were Masters of fo great a Part of it. If we may believe the Account given by the French, who writ her Life, fhe was not only Chafte and Virtuous, but wonderful devout, after their Way, her Piety having a large Share of Enthusiasm mingled with it,and to this we Attribute all the 4. Every living Soul is every living Perfon, a common Thing in the Scripture to put Soul, the fenfitive Scul, for the Man: But the Pinch of the Queftion is yet be-English? hind, in the Word Sea, and what is meant thereby we'll give you the different Opinions of Authors upon it, and then leave you at Liberty to make your own Judgment. Ours fay, 'tis the true Literal Sea that's here understood, but then this had noparticular judgment on Antichrift, because it wou'd affect all the World as well as he, whereas this Plague is generally agreed to be referv'd for his peculiar Portion. Others therefore, and that muchftrange things he did, being her the larger part of Commentators, think it mystical, and the Learned Grotius thinks it relates to the Multitude of Men in the City of Rome, wherein he mayn't be very wide from theTruth in the Main, tho' perhaps mistaken in the Time. Our Mede believes the whole Body of Popery is intended thereby, felf to fully perfwaded, that God fent her to deliver her Countrey, that 'tis poffible enough the might really fancy the faw all thofe Saints and Vifions, and Revelations the pretended to, the Truth of which the affirmed to her Death, and which gave her fo great Credit among the Vulgar, that they not not only thought her invincible, but all others who fought under her Banner; which Perfwafion it felf was fufficient in a Natural Way, to give a Turn to all their Affairs, as in Effect it did. other Queftions.But then as for fome of the Garniture of the Story, and perhaps much of the Turn of it, we fuppofe the Author wou'd fcarce be upon his Oath, for 'twou'd be very hard to make one that writes a Lovestory make Affidavit of any Smile or Sigh from end to end on't. Now to the particular Queftions, As for her Burning, We think fhe had bard Meafure, nothing of Moment appearing against her in all the Process, as the French Author reprefents it,befides thofe two Did he really Love his Mounpardonable Herefies. Beating ther-in-law? The Compiler of the Englife, and wearing the Bree- his Life,tells us, "That all Histoches, and we leave it to the "rians of the fame Age, who menJudgment of any Free-born Eng-tion, that unfortunate Prince, lib Woman, whether either cf" do alfo fpeak of his Love to these were Crimes worthy of her. He farther fays, Death? 4. To the first Query, Whether the current Account of Don Carlos his Life, which we have in French and English, be to be reckon❜d a Novel or true Hiftory, We Answer, that 'tis, we are apt to believe, made up of both.. That a Marriage was propos'd beQ. Your Fudgment of the fa- tween Don Carlos and that Prinmous Carlos Prince of Spain? Is cefs, while his Father's former that Account we have of him, which Wife, Mary Queen of England, feems fo particular and well-was yet alive, but he forgets here attefted, to be reckon'd a Novel, to appeal particularly to any Auor a True Hiftory? Did he really thors, which he feldom neglects Love his Mother-in-Law? in the Procefs of the Story,though Had he any Defign against bis Fa-this is made up by an Authentick ther,- and did he end his Account of a Letter found among Days by a violent or a natural his Papers, writ to him by the Death? Queen with the greatest Tendernefs imaginable. As for a Defign immediately againit his Father, it appears not that he had any, but that he really did maintain a Correfpondence in Flanders with Count Egmont, and Hɔrn, and the reit of the Noblemen there, to put himself at their Head, and defend 'em against the Tyranny of Alva, there's little doubt to be made; few Hiftorians of that time, of whatioever Nation, but taking notice of it; and this 'twas, in all probability, which coft him his life: Tho' haftened by the hatred of the Inquifition, who feared he inclin'd to the ProteftantKeligion. For that he came to a violent End, is generally too afferted and believ'd, A great Part of it is Matter of Fact, attefted not by M. Varillies Invifible Memoirs, but for the moit part by good and approv'd Authors, and Publick Prints, and that of fuch Perfons as have fet their Names to what they have written, or if he makes ufe of one or two Manufcripts, he plainly directs both to them, and their Authors.- As will appear more diftinctly in our Reply to the A Thuanus Thuanus, Mayern, and other telling us, That a flow Poifon was for fome time mingled in all he took, though it feems not strong enough to difpatch him, for which Reaton, Matthieu in his Hiftory of France, fays they at lait, order'd him to chufe what kind of Death he pleas'd, -- which we learn from Duplex, was the fame with that of Seneca, being put into a Bath, where having his Veins open'd, he bled to Death. far as to burn poor Cacalla alive, and Pontius his dying in Prifon, where 'tis no doubt, but he had the help of a Portion; all thefe things too notorious to be deny'd, are unanswerable Arguments,that there was fome ground for this Difcourfe; to which, if we add thofe Notes, which were found under that Emperor's own hand in his Clofet, relating to Juftification by Faith, and other Proteftan: Tenents, it's from the whole very probable, that he really dy'd's ་ Q. What Credit are we to give to the Stories of the Empe-good Proteftant, or at leaft very ror Charles the Fifth's dying a Proteftant, which is afferted by fome Writers? well inclin'd to our Religion. Q. 'Tis faid of our Saviour, in the 12th of St. Matthew, 40th v. That as Jonas was three days and three Nights in the Whales Belly, fo fhall the Son of Man be three Days and three Divine Poems refolves it thus: Thou know'ft our dying Saviour did repose On Fryday, on the Sunday he 2rofe: 4 There is, we are fure, a great | deal more Probability in that,than in our King Charles the First, his being inclin'd to Popery. Nor are the Paffages on which fuch Judg-Nights in the heart of the Earth. ment may be grounded, a few ge- The three Days are plain, but I neral complemental Expreffions in can't find the three Nights; for a Letter, defign'd perhaps to de- he fuffer'd on Fryday, and arofe on ceive a Deciever, but things of Sunday Quarles in bis fuch a Nature as imply Thought, Deliberation, and a fettled temper of Mind, and that in the latest, and weightiest Acts of that great Emperor's Life: For his Will, it's certain, was, in the Popish Language, notorioufly Heretical, having nothing left in it fo much as for one pour Mafs to pray for his Soul, he having taken, the furest way himself, and done that before he was Dead. But yet more, the feizing fuch great and famous Perfons, as Father Cacalla, his Chaplain, and Bifhop Pontius, his Confeffor, and even of the Archbishop of Toledo, the Inqufitors forming a Procefs against 'em, and ordering 'em all to be burnt, together with this Heretical Will; the accomplishing this fentence fo Tell me by what account he may be faid To lodge three days and Night: among the Dead. He dy'd for all the World, what wanted here Was full supply'dint'other Hemifphere. Pray your Opinion of this An fwer, as alfo your own on the fame Question? A. As for our Brother Quarles, We think he had a very good Mind to answer the difficulty, becaufe h over-hoots overboots it, for according to his Poetical Way of Reckoning,it muft have been four Nights, and fix Days, not three Days and three uspe, or Natural Days: For Nights, unless he'll double the where the Law of Mofes exprefNights, and the Days fingle. But fes the Number of Days, as in, he'll give Grotius leave to be a Circumcifion, it's ufual among better Divine than he, however he the Interpreters of it to reckon might Difpute Poetry with him even one half Hour for a Day, beand that Great Man gives this caufe as they fay, (and as Hamclear handsome Solution of it. mond too oblerves) a Legal Day That the Jews, not having by the is not computed from Time to Idiom of their Language the Li- Time. Thus Efther is laid to have berty of compounding Words, were kept a Fast three Days, and three often forc'd to make use of a Peri- Nights, and yet in the third Day phrafis or Circumlocution, in which he went in to the King; fo that the Hellenifts follow'd 'em, (as the faited properly but two Nights 'tis notorious in innumerable of and one whole Day, which comes their Phrases on other Occafions.) up full to the Cafe in Hand; Now that which the Hebrews call nay, Jonas himself was in all prothe Evening and the Morning, the bability no longer in the Whales Greeks turn by vuxnus, (of Belly; for on the third Day he which he gives leveral Inftances, might be vomited up, and yet the That Word fignifying a Day and Night following, or rather the a Night, or a Natural Day, con- Night of the First Day reckon'd fifting of twenty four Hours:) in to make up the Number comNow to make this good (of his pleat, as Grotius has already obhaving been three Nights as well ferved, according to the Custom as three Days in the Heart of the of that Nation. Earth) it is fufficient that he was bury'd in fuch a Time as the Parts of it did belong to those three yu Queft. I. HAT are the Shades of Everlasting Night? 2. Is it a Manfion of fecluded Souls? Or is't a Lake where Liquid Sulphur rolls? Or is't a Confcience All, which here our Foy controlls? 3. Come then, Athenians, fummon all your Art To melt a finking unbelieving Heart, That fcorns your Powers above, and fears no Stygian Dart? Anfw. |