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tions which were

sterling. It was stated in evidence, that, on trials, the first question frequently put to police-officers and witnesses was, what they would gain by the conviction? and by this means, persons, of whose guilt there could be doubt, were frequently, from the difficulty of obtaining witnesses, acquitted; because witnesses felt their characters assailed by the sort of quesput to them, and because this blood-money hung like a stone about their necks. Another reason for remedying the system was, that it led to conspiracies for procuring people to commit crimes, to obtain the reward for their conviction. He was convinced he was not exaggerating when he said, that it had been along established practice in this coun⚫ try, for individuals, day after day, and year after year, to stimulate others to the commission of crime, for the pur. pose of putting money in their pockets by their conviction. It was his intention to propose, that what were technically called Tyburn-tickets, should be continued; and that the reward of 401. should still be paid to the executors of any persons killed in the pursuit of highwaymen, or the executors of persons killed in discharging their duty in seizing of criminals, on whose conviction the reward was payable. But instead of the rewards on convic tion, payable by the 4th, 6th, and 10th, of William and Mary, the 5th of Queen Anne, and the 14th and 15th of George II. he intended to propose, that there should be assigned money for the expences of prosecuting, and bringing forward witnesses, in all cases of felony whatever, whether a conviction did or did not take place, at the discretion of the judges.

The bill was then brought in, and passed through its several stages; but, on its recommittal, the Attorney-Gene ral proposed an amendment, which was

not certainly to abolish the reward or rewards due upon the trial and conviction of an offender, but simply that it should henceforth be left to the discretion of the judge or justices of assize to apportion such compensation as might appear fit, or even to refuse it altogether in the same case. When men had no longer a right to claim the rewards, they would have no temptation to conspiracy; and, on the other hand, there would remain a due encouragement to those who exerted themselves with honesty for the apprehension and conviction of offenders.

Sir Samuel Romilly objected to the clause, as rendering the bill in a great degree nugatory, since it still left the reward, only with a discretion to withhold or apply it. In Birmingham, a case had lately occurred, wherein police-officers had earned 1207. by the conviction of three boys. Rewards had the necessary effect of warping the evidence, and of inducing informers to give a colour to their testimony, calculated to achieve their object in the conviction of the prisoner. The system, besides inducing persons to conspire against the lives of innocent individuals, created in witnesses an eager. ness for the conviction of the prisoners quite revolting. The nearest relatives were seen not unfrequently perjuring themselves, to obtain the reward by the death of their kinsfolk; and he had himself known a case, where

a father had evinced the most shock

ing anxiety for the conviction of his

own son. There was another dreadful evil attending this system, that police-officers, in the metropolis, and other large towns, were anxious to support nurseries of crimes, in hopes that those poor creatures, entrapped by themselves, might eventually become profitable to them.

The same opinion was expressed by Sir James Mackintosh; notwithstand

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The game-laws had for some time been the subject of much discussion in Parliament. The high and aristocratic principles which they breathed were repugnant to the feelings of the age, and the spirit of the British constitution. Yet the interest and pride of the landed proprietors formed a strong barrier against any mitigation of their severity. After all that was said against them, therefore, the measures actually taken had tended only to arrest, by new penalties, the rapid progress of poaching. Such was the tendency of the bill introduced this year by Mr G. Bankes, which proposed to make it penal to purchase game, as it had already been made so to sell it. He expected the support, not of those members alone who were anxious to protect the game of the country, but of those also who were solicitous to diminish the number of offences connected with the unlawful destruction of game. Most of these offences would be got rid of, if the legislature could effectually prevent the buying and selling of game; for it seldom happened that poachers killed game for sustenance, or for the mere gratification of their own tastes.

Mr Curwen, however, insisted, that the proposed measure only tended to make the game-laws still more odious; and while the present oppressive and unjust code of laws existed, it was vain to think of putting an end to the crimes which they generated.

By a majority, however, of 60 to 28, leave was given to bring in the bill.

On the 6th of May, at the second reading of the bill, the question came to be fully argued.

Mr Bankes hesitated not to declare himself inimical to the whole system of the game-laws. A report had been

made to the House on the game-laws, in which there was a recommendation to make game private property. That report had been laid on the table of the House two years ago, and had as yet produced nothing. When any member should bring forward a comprehensive measure founded on this report, he should be willing to agree to the repeal of all the game-laws; but, so long as they existed, their operation should be made uniform, which was the object of the present bill. He had heard it objected to this bill, that if it passed, as game could not be afterwards bought, the class of consumers, who now purchased it, would have no means of obtaining it. He did not see the force of this objection. Game not found in the market would be sent to town as gifts, and the tables of the rich might thus be as amply supplied as before. If there was any thing enviable in the situation of a country gentleman, as connected with this species of wealth upon his estate, it was the power of making presents of game to his friends. Some poulterers having been prosecuted, stated, that they could not have incurred the penalties had they not customers, who would be their customers only so long as they could supply them with game. His bill, therefore, by prohibiting the purchase of game, would protect this helpless class of persons.

Mr Curwen, however, opposed the measure with the same vehemence as ever, observing, "the misery and suffering produced by the game-laws call imperiously on the legislature to remove them from our statutes, rather than to adopt any measure which may increase their number. The cure of this evil will require a very different remedy. I would entreat the House to pause before it is prevailed on to take any step calculated to extend more widely the crime and wretched

ness produced by the laws in question. The House cannot have forgotten, that it was in proof two sessions ago, by the papers on your table, that 1200 persons were immured, in various parts of the kingdom, for offences against the game-laws. Did not this disclosure shock every unprejudiced man within and without the walls of this House-The legal criminality and fatal consequences which spring from these offences call loudly for prevention. The ruin and distress that overwhelm so many poor families, are perhaps the least of their calamitous effects. The contamination of morals, contracted in prisons, leads to the commission of every species of crime.Does any one suppose, that poaching can be suppressed whilst the game-laws remain as they are? It is hopeless to look for obedience to laws, which, by a great proportion of the higher orders, as well as by the whole of the subordinate ranks in society, are regarded as oppressive, tyrannical, and unjust-trenching on the rights of the many to favour the few. The poacher, however obnoxious to the sportsman, suffers nothing in moral estimation while his depredations are exclusively confined to game-no turpitude is attached to the offence-public opinion holds the game-laws in detestation. Nothing, in my opinion, would contribute more to the comfort of country gentlemen than a total and radical change in the game-laws. The temp tation which will be held out by the wealthy, for procuring that which is deemed a luxury, will defeat any penalty-any punishment we can inflict. If the bill should work at all, it would be highly injurious to the country. Believing, as I do, that it will be either nugatory, or will give greater facilities to the conviction of inferior offenders only-in either view I am hostile to the measure: I would not consent, for

one, to any step that could have the least tendency to perpetuate the game. laws.”

Sir S. Romilly, however, said, he could not see how, when the House refused to make it legal to sell game, they could hesitate to punish the buying of game. It would be strange, when it was not legal to sell game, that it should be legal to buy game. What would be said if they were to punish persons guilty of theft, and yet declare the receivers of stolen goods to be perfectly innocent? If no persons bought game, no persons would sell game. Under the system of the game-laws, it was not considered any violation of honour or morality to buy the game, and as to the procurers and sellers, their punishment was felt not as a disgrace, but excited sympathy among the people at large. Among the higher orders, the laws were violated with little compunction, to obtain the desired luxury, though the utmost rigour in imposing penalties was exercised against the lower.

The second reading was carried by a majority of 116 to 21.

The bill was introduced into the House of Peers by the Marquis of Caernarvon, who observed, that without approving the principle of the game-laws, he considered it certain, that no means could be found of tho roughly remedying them; and thought that, in their present state, they ought to be made consistent with themselves. Their penalties ought to attach equally to the rich and the poor. Lord Lauderdale, however, observed, the bill was so framed, as to render it impossible that any evidence of the commission of the offence should be obtained. How could there be any evidence of the offence, if the buyer and seller were both equally guilty in the eye of the law? The unnatural state of the game-laws pro

duced a constant desire to violate them. In legislating, the first thing always to be considered was, whether the measure proposed was practicable. Did not their Lordships know that there was in this country a numerous body of funded proprietors as rich as landed proprietors? These men had no manorial rights; but they possessed wealth, which gave them the command of every thing they could desire for their table; and with what they desired they would, doubtless, be supplied, in spite of all the laws which could be enacted. It was absurd to suppose that men of great fortune could be prevented by laws from obtaining any of the luxuries of life.-The Lord Chancellor was of the same opinion; but Earl Grosvenor, disapproving of the game-laws, thought he must in the interim vote for the present bill, on the principle, that the receiver was as bad as the thief. Lord Holland also supported the bill, which was carried by a majority of 33 to 9.

Mr Ogle brought in a bill for the suppression of gambling. London, he said, contained not less than a thousand gambling-houses, from which the most dreadful mischiefs arose. As the main object of the bill was to apply the system of licenses to gamblinghouses, which at present are altogether illegal, it was observed to have rather a tendency to extend the evil; and Mr Ogle at length agreed to withdraw it.

Under this head we may with propriety introduce Mr Michael Angelo Taylor's motion respecting the As sizes in the Northern Circuits. It was brought forward on the 17th February. He said, every member of the House knew, that, throughout the three kingdoms, with the exception of the counties of Cumberland, Northumberland, Durham, and the town and county of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, there

were regular gaol-deliveries twice ayear, as courts of assize, and sittings at Nisi Prius, were held twice a-year in the different counties, with the exception of those mentioned. Why those counties were deprived of the privileges enjoyed by the rest of the country, he was at a loss to determine. Those counties were as rich, as well-peopled, and as deserving of protection, as any other part of the kingdom. It was well-known, that in the northern counties many persons had been in prison for the last three months, to take their trial, not at the next spring, but at the next summerassizes. Thus a number of persons were to be confined from nine to eleven months, before their guilt or innocence could be ascertained. In cases where, for instance, a landlord had occasion to eject a tenant, if any objection were taken to the judgment of the Court, and a new trial was granted, two years at least would elapse before the question could be decided. Though the population of these kingdoms was double the population in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, and though the property of the country was more than fourfold what it was then, yet there was no farther provision made for the distribution of justice at present than there was at that period. There were twelve judges then, and at present there were no more. No provision had been made for the increase of population, and consequently none for the increase of crime. Though millions were squandered away on trifles, the substantial parts of the constitution were left unprovided for. honourable gentleman then explained his plan. There was, he observed, an officer belonging to the Court of Exchequer, who might be made a most useful person to promote one of the objects he had in view. This officer was the Cursitor Baron. It was a si

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tuation usually given to persons who had retired from legal or judicial situations abroad, and was almost always filled by men of talent. At present, the duty of the Cursitor Baron was little more than to receive the sheriffs when they came down, and to examine their accounts. He thought, that if this officer were invested with the power of a judge, not to sit in Bank, but to preside at the Old Bailey, and go the circuit, it would most materially contribute to the prompt administration of justice, and would, at the same time, be attended with very little additional expence. The salary of the Cursitor Baron was, he believed, at present 1000l. a-year, which, if raised to the usual salary given to the puisne judges, would not be considered as a great expence, when the advantages to result from it were taken into consideration. He would also propose, that an officer similar to the Cursitor Baron should be attached to the Court of King's Bench, with power, save that of sitting in Bank, to that of the other judges;that his duty should be to take bail, sit at Nisi Prius, attend at the Old Bailey, and go the circuit,-and also to hear cases of Nisi Prius in term. The two officers he had mentioned would be able to take a considerable portion of the trouble on themselves, and would in turn relieve the judges from the labours of the circuits. The expence, he should again press upon the House, would be trifling, when compared with the important advantages which would result from it.

The Attorney-General objected to the motion, because he thought it brought forward too suddenly altera tions which required the most serious consideration before they were made, and because the honourable mover had shewn no grounds to prove that any emergency existed which would render the proposed alteration immedi

VOL. XI. PART. I.

ately necessary. As the motion then before the House went suddenly to alter a long and established mode of administering justice, and that too without any sufficient cause being adduced, he thought it his duty to move the previous question. Sir C. Monck, however, supported the motion; and Lord Castlereagh, though he thought the House was not prepared to enter into the subject, said that it would be premature to address the throne on so important a point as a change in the constitution of Westminister Hall; yet he did not mean to dissent from the proposition, that it was proper some alteration should be made. He did not mean to imply that it was not desirous that there should be an administration of justice in the parts which the honourable gentleman had mentioned, twice a-year instead of once; but he thought that, instead of the motion he had made, if he had moved for an inquiry, it might have been preferable. Mr Taylor had jumped to his conclusion at the very outset; and by adopting the previous question, they would not be neglecting the motion, but merely disapproving the manner in which it had been put.-Mr Taylor then consented to withdraw his motion, and to move, next day, for a committee of inquiry, which was then agreed to.

On the 28th April, Mr Taylor brought up the Report of the Committee on the Northern Circuit. It fully confirmed his representations, stating that the business of the assizes in this part of the kingdom was great and yearly increasing; that there appeared no reason why there should be only one circuit there, while there were two in the rest of the kingdom. Great inconvenience and delay thence arose ; so that, by way of remedy, the plan of bringing actions in other counties was often resorted to. On consider

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