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aid from subscriptions. But that the addition to be derived from the latter source would be very considerable, he could not doubt, when he recollected what had been done by Liverpool, where no less than 6 churches had been built by subscription. That town, which was very inconsiderable at the commencement of his present Majesty's reign, now possessed a population of 100,000, and had 14 churches.With the addition of two more, sufficient accommodation would be afforded for its population.

Lord Holland was friendly, on the whole, to the measure; yet he must discharge the ungrateful duty of saying, that he could agree to it only under certain modifications. He thought a church so richly endowed as that of England, ought to contribute somewhat to its own support and increase. This he would propose to do, not by touching the emoluments of any living dignitary, but, according to the plan adopted in Roman Catholic countries, by suspending, for a greater or less time, those livings which could most easily be dispensed with.

To this, Lord Harrowby replied, surely the noble Lord did not think that this measure was intended for the advantage of the church, considered with a view to its clergy. Undoubtedly it was not, but for the advantage of religion in general, and the community at large; and there was no more reason for calling on the revenues of the church, than on those of any class of society.

The Marquis of Lansdowne, while he considered the measure most indispensable, complained, that Scotland and Ireland should be made to contribute, without deriving any benefit.

Lord Liverpool replied, that a similar measure would, in due time, be extended to Scotland; and that the union of the British and Irish exche

VOL. XI. PART. II.

quers rendered it impossible to exempt the latter country, which, after all, was not in a worse condition than many counties of England.

The bill was then read a second time.

On the 20th May, when it went into a committee, Lord Holland again pressed his plan of providing for part of the expence, by a temporary sequestration of church-revenues, and instan ced the Cathedral of Litchfield, the repairs of which had been provided for by the suspension of two prebends.

The Archbishop of Canterbury, Lords Liverpool and Grenville, observed, that such an arrangement, for the benefit of that particular cathedral, was quite different from a general legislative provision.

On the clause, limiting the powers of the commissioners to the building of churches, so as to afford the greatest possible accommodation to the largest number of persons, Lord Grenville expressed a doubt whether the words were sufficiently explanatory of what were the intentions of its framers. He agreed, that to afford the greatest possible accommodation to the largest number of persons, ought to be a primary principle; but whilst he deprecated all useless splendour in the building of churches, he thought it of importance, that that mode should be adopted which was best calculated to inspire devotion, and which was characteristic of the established church.

Lord Liverpool entirely agreed with the noble Baron, and conceived that such was the intention of the framers of the bill.

Lord Holland liked the literal meaning of the words of the present clause much better than the explanation of them which the two noble Lords had attempted to give.

Lord Harrowby was decidedly hostile to incurring unnecessary expence

I

for splendour; but he never could agree that it was intended by this bill merely to erect four walls like a barn, solely upon the principle of affording the greatest possible accommodation to the largest number of persons.

The Archbishop of Canterbury observed, if edifices were erected which departed so far from the style of ecclesiastical architecture that they might be mistaken for places devoted to another use, he conceived that one object of the present bill would be entirely

lost sight of. He was satisfied, that while their Lordships paid a due attention to the accommodation of the frequenters of the established church, in point of room, they would not neglect an adherence to that mode of building which characterised the Reformed Church of England from churches where that reform was car. ried too far. without any al

The bill was past teration.

CHAPTER VII.

MISCELLANEOUS PROCEEDINGS OF PARLIAMENT.

Slave-Trade-Treaty with Spain-Mr Wilberforce on the Treatment of Slaves. -Motions of Sir S. Romilly respecting Proceedings in Dominica, Nevis, and St Christopher's.-Alien Bill-The Bank of Scotland.-Sir Francis Burdett on Parliamentary Reform-Speech of Mr Brougham.-Poor Laws Amendment and Select Vestries Bill.—London Breweries.-Auction Laws.

THE grand philanthropic object of putting a period to the traffic in slaves, had overcome all opposition in the counsels and cabinet of Britain. That power not only enforced the prohibition with strictness in her own extensive possessions, but used all her influence to induce the other powers of Europe to imitate the example. Her urgency, aided by the general influence of the sentiments of humanity, had now secured pretty general promises of co-operation. A traffic, however, in which such vast interests were embarked, and which was carried on over such an extent of distant and barbarous shores, could not be easily suppressed, it rose, like a hydra, under accumulated blows; and only the continuance of equal efforts with those which had at first produced its proscription, could prevent it from reviving in all its energy.

On the 28th January, Lord Castlereagh laid before the House a copy of the treaty concluded with Spain on the subject of this traffic. It is inserted in the Appendix. It is there sti

pulated, that Spain not only abolishes the trade, but allows to British vessels, under certain circumstances, the power of search over such Spanish vessels as may be suspected of being engaged in it. A similar right of search is granted to Spanish, over British vessels.In compensation for the losses sustained by the subjects of that power, in consequence of the abolition, Britain engages to pay the sum of 400,000l.

On the 9th February, Lord Castlereagh moved, that provision should be made for carrying this treaty into execution. He began with remarking the important progress which had been made in this great object in the course of last year. All the crowned heads of Europe, except Portugal, so far as the south of the line was concerned, had either abolished the slave-trade, or entered into stipulations for its abolition at some future period. He was assured of the satisfaction it must give the House, to find Spain, infinitely the most important of all the European powers in this view, both for local authority and extent of colonies,

stipulating for the final abolition of the trade. While Spain carried on, and protected by her trade and her flag, this traffic, both on the northern and on the southern coasts of Africa, all that France, Holland, and the other powers of Europe could do for the abolition was nugatory. There was no slave-trade now to the north of the line: it could be carried on by possibility only to the southward of the line from May 1820. The Congress at Vienna, if it had no other ground of merit or distinction, was entitled to the gratitude of mankind on this subject: for there all the great powers of Europe made a declaration which stamped the slave-trade as disgraceful, and made every state anxious to get out of it as soon as circumstances could conveniently admit of its doing so. The great evil now to be dreaded was from the illicit trade. The peril, the alarm, the violence, of the illicit trader, inflicted cruelties unknown when the more humane regular trade was concerned. In this state of the trade, more disgraceful, and more painful, circumstances occurred than before. The illicit traffic arose out of the partial abolition, and out of the facilities that the cessation of belligerent rights, in consequence of the peace, created. It was infinitely more easy in peace than during war. With the view of remedying this evil, the powers of Europe, for the first time, he believed, in diplomatic history, gave to each other the right of visit over their merchantmen. Aware that no independent state would consent to any unjustified interference with its flag, they contracted that no visit should be made by a naval commander, without his having special instructions for that purpose; and that detention should not take place, unless slaves were actually found on board. The power with whom the present treaty was contracted, afforded by its flag more protection to illi

cit slave-traders than any other nation. This resource was now taken from that baneful evil. Portugal also had been the first to concede the right of visit; and a treaty with that power had been signed, fixing a period for the abolition. It was not presented, only because the ratifications had not been exchanged. Spain could not yet be expected to make the concessions it did, without some compensation.With reference to the pecuniary compensation, amounting to 400,000l., which it was stipulated by one of these treaties Spain should receive, he had to state, that so far was this from being the only motive on the part of the court of Spain, for acceding to the treaty, that the Spanish merchants at the Havannah had offered five times the amount for the privilege of still continuing it.

On a former occasion, an offer had been made on the part of the British to the Spanish government, of the sum of 850,000l. upon the conditions contained in the treaties now concluded, together with a loan of 10,000,000 dollars, in consideration of an immediate abolition; and this offer had been refused. Not a voice was then raised in Parliament to disapprove of this offer, as excessive or impolitic. But however that proposition might have been thought wise at the time it was made, he repeated, that it was a millstone about the necks of the British government in the late negociation. Claims, to an immense extent, had been advanced; and it was with great difficulty that the stipulation was reduced to the sum of 100,000l. He trusted that this question would not be in any degree mixed up with that of South America ; and that there would be a feeling of gratitude to Spain, for the exertion she was about to make. Spain intended not only to abolish the slave-trade as far as she was concerned, but to effect what would be in fact its complete annihilation. It was evi

dent that it could never have been abolished but for Spain.

Sir Gilbert Heathcote, though an enemy to the slave-trade, could not help regretting that so considerable a sum of money should be voted at the present period. He was of opinion that the 400,000/. might be much more advantageously distributed in this country. It would furnish the means of giving to 8000 individuals the sum of 50%. each. Without touching on the question between Spain and America, he might say, that the revolt of the Spanish colonies in South America was notorious; that several of those colonies had established their independence; and that probably the whole of Spanish America would eventually be emancipated. What would then be the situation of Spain with reference to colonial possessions? Whether in peace or in war, the people of this country were, it seemed, to be goaded into madness by incessant demands on their pockets. It was impossible that we could thus continue to be the general paymasters of Europe. If we were to be compelled to pay money for any phantasy which might enter into the head of any monarch, he could not see how it would be possible to make the income of the country meet its annual expenditure.

Mr Wilberforce confessed his surprise at the observations of the honour able Baronet. He was persuaded that the House would think that the sum of 400,000l. could not be better expended than in the way proposed. As to the proposition for granting 50l. each to 8000 individuals in this country, the honourable Baronet forgot, that if the 400,000l. were not voted for the purpose under discussion, it would not be voted for any other. If it were divided among the whole population of the empire, it would only be twopence halfpenny per man. As one most seriously interested in the

abolition of the slave-trade, he must say, that he thought the noble Lord entitled to his warmest gratitude, for the efforts which he had made during a long course of diplomatic attention to the subject, and for the successful issue to which he had eventually brought those efforts. He was sanguine enough to believe, that he should himself see this country beginning to derive the greatest advantages from its intercourse with a people no longer classed with the beasts of the field, but invested with the moral dignity that was the undoubted attribute of all human beings. At that very moment, there was on the coast of Africa a free community of from 10 to 12,000 men, chiefly Africans, living under the influence of the British law, and advancing rapidly in the path of civilization. It would be an interesting, and striking, and glorious scene, if we should form a connexion with the interior, which would more than compensate for all the trouble and expence of our exertions.

Sir Oswald Mosley made a speech somewhat akin to that of Sir Gilbert Heathcote.

Sir James Mackintosh, after hearing such opinions from two independent country gentlemen, could no longer think of giving a silent vote, He concurred with them entirely in their zeal for economy. He had the same opinion of the faith of the Spanish government, and the same feelings for the people of South America. If he said no more on these subjects on the present occasion, he must protest against his silence being imputed to lukewarmness or negligence. It arose from his deep conviction, that the abolition of the slave-trade was the most important question which could be discussed in the House of Commons, -a question to which every other object, however interesting or important, ought for the time to yield. Both his

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