importance of consolidating this debt, and paying the interest, but stated the impossibility of doing so without imposing intolerable burdens on the people. In some mitigation of the evil, however, it was announced that the vales should be divided into consolidated and non-consolidated; and that on the presentation of any amount, one-third should be placed to the former class, and the interest on it regularly paid; while the remaining twothirds were to be called common vales, and the interest to be paid, or not, as the situation of the state and treasury might allow.

The stagnation of commerce was an evil still more deeply felt by the nation. The state of the American colonies deprived it of that immense transit, which had at least raised Cadiz to a commercial city of the first order; and the government, ignorant of any remedies which were not found in its old system of restriction and prohibition, continued daily to aggravate the evil by the remedies attempted. At length, there was felt an absolute necessity of admitting some alleviation of this absurd system. By a decree of the 30th March, which however did not come into execution till the 15th July, St Ander, Corrunna, Cadiz, and Alicant, were, under certain restrictions, declared free ports, in which goods could be deposited without the payment of duty. Although this concession was very inadequate to the existing evil, it nevertheless afforded some relief.

The only activity displayed by the Spanish government during this year was in fitting out the expedition at Cadiz; a measure to which the pride of the monarchy imperiously prompted, and which was incessantly called for by the merchants of Cadiz, as the only hope of restoring their ancient prosperity. So deficient, however, was the Spanish navy, that in order to

carry its designs into effect, the government had last year been fain to purchase a squadron from Russia. This fleet set sail from Cronstadt in autumn, and after a long delay at Plymouth, for the purpose of repairs, arrived at Cadiz on the 21st February. Part of it set sail on the 21st May, with 2500 men on board, to be conveyed to Lima. The remainder was destined to defend the coasts against the increasing strength of the American corsairs. The Emperor Alexander made afterwards a present of three additional frigates, which arrived in the end of October.

A new model was this year given to the Spanish army, the numerical strength of which, reduced by various circumstances, no longer bore any proportion to the number of corps into which it was divided. It was now formed into forty-nine regiments of infantry, two of which were guards, twenty-two of cavalry, and a corps of 5000 artillery. The whole was expected to compose an effective force of 65 or 70,000 men; besides which, there were to be forty-three regiments of provincial militia, commanded by the officers thus thrown out of the regular army.

In Germany, public attention was very strongly turned to the deliberations of the diet, a body whose place in the empire had long been nominal, but to which the great powers now sought to restore some portion of its former weight. The main object of this plan was a defensive arrangement, which might consolidate the strength of this great country against any power attempting to reimpose on it the yoke under which it had recently groaned. Austria, as the power of the greatest importance, took the lead, and, on the 9th January, presented, through its minister, the plan of a federal army. The members of the diet, however, demanded an interval

to communicate with their respective courts on so important a subject. In these references, in the discussion of different articles, and of the data on which they were to proceed, the deliberations were protracted till the 12th October, when the basis of the new organization were definitively agreed upon between the great powers, and presented to the diet by the president. In this project, the population of the empire was estimated, according to the most recent inquiries, at 30,094,000 men, of which Austria afforded upwards of nine millions, and Prussia somewhat less than eight. The federal army was to be one in the hundred of the population, affording thus a numerical strength of 300,000 men. A reserve of half that amount was to be maintained, and to be called into service whenever the active army should have marched; but the reserve of each state was to remain within its own territory till the enemy should actually have passed the frontier. A sixth part of the troops was to consist of cavalry, and the artillery was to be in the proportion of two pieces for every thousand men. The army was to be divided into seven corps, and in time of war was to be placed under the command of a generalissimo chosen by the diet, whose place, in time of peace, was to be supplied by a lieutenant-general. Immediate steps were taken for put ting the confederation in possession of the fortresses, which were to form the grand barrier line against France. The principal of these on the Rhine were Mentz, Luxemburgh, Landau, and Germersheim; while a general depot and place of arms was to be established at Ulm. To fulfil these objects, a large amount of the French war contribution was placed in the treasury of the confederation.

Hopes were entertained that the diet might effect something for the

freedom of the interior trade of Germany, and for relieving it from those heavy duties and prohibitions which obstructed the passage of goods from one to another of the numerous petty states. This principle had even been recognized at the congress of Vienna ; but when it came to be put into practice, numerous obstacles arose. The princes retorted on each other the charge of mutual prohibitory laws, and none were willing to set the first example of a change. The diet, after some ineffectual efforts, finally contented themselves with transmitting the addresses presented to the parties concerned, to be regarded by them or not, as their inclination might direct.

Some motions were made in the diet respecting the liberty of the press, and the establishment of a general copy-right law through Germany; but they never arrived at any specific project upon either of these points. The Germans were not even without some faint hopes, that the representative system, for which they so ardently longed, might be generally established under the auspices of the diet. The princes even made solemn professions to that assembly upon this subject, which, through it, were transmitted to the public; but when specified plans came to be agitated, each sovereign expressed his determination to make a particular communication on the subject. He thus reserved to himself the power of framing a constitution which corresponded best with his own views, or of evading the measure altogether, if he should so incline.

Meantime, a considerable step was taken, during this year, towards the establishment of a representative government. Those states, which had obtained a remarkable augmentation in consequence of the French Revolution and conquests, were generally not unwilling to attach their extended po

pulation by the grant of privileges, for which, in common with the Germans, they so ardently longed. So early as 1808, liberal views had been announced by the Bavarian government; but these were so foreign to those acted upon by Napoleon, and imposed by him upon all his subject states, that while Bavaria continued his vassal, no approach could be made towards their fulfilment. When, however, the great Revolution restored this country to the rank of an independent state, the King began to shew a disposition to ameliorate the condition of his subjects. In April 1818, he caused the corvees, or statutory labour on the roads, to be commuted for a local tax. These and similar measures fully prepared the public mind for the promulgation of the new constitution, which took place on the 26th of May, being the birth-day of the sovereign. The King, by thus spontaneously giving a constitution to his subjects, secured the advantage, which the other states of Europe have lost and are losing. He did it with a good grace, and provided it was not altogether illusory, might calculate on the gratitude of his people. What was of greater importance, he retained in his hands the power of dictating what the constitution should be; he could surround the throne with every guard which appeared to him indispensable. Of these advantages, he seems to have availed himself somewhat too amply; so that his constitution bears very unequivocal marks of its regal origin. Five-eighths of the deputies are elected by the landed proprietors; one-fourth only by the towns and cities, the remaining eighth by the clergy. The King is obliged to assemble the States only once in three years, and the session ought not to last beyond two months. The budget is voted for six years, and if, by any external and extraordinary circumstances, the King is prevented

from assembling the States, the taxes then levying are continued, not till the first meeting of the States, but for another entire six years; a most preposterous arrangement, which puts it in the power of any king, by a little management, to render the existing taxes permanent.

Upon the whole, however, viewing the state of the public mind in Europe and in Germany, we are not much afraid, that a popular assembly once existing, and supported by public opinion, will not insensibly work its way to a measure of power sufficient to render its operations effective.

A considerable agitation arose this year in the south of Germany, in consequence of disputes between Bavaria and Baden. According to a secret article of the treaty of Paris, the former power, in consideration of territories restored to Austria, was to receive several of the provinces belonging to Baden. Three years elapsed, however, without any steps being taken in consequence of this agreement. At length, it became generally understood and believed, that the time was approaching, when a public notification would be made on the subject. The Grand Duke of Baden judged it prudent to elicit an explanation before the allied powers should have finally committed themselves. He expressed his astonishment, after the sacrifices made by him in the last great struggle of Germany, to see some of his finest provinces seized by his own allies, and by states which had declared in the face of the world, that they had taken up arms solely to overthrow illegitimate power, and introduce into Europe a political system, resting on the basis of morality. He declared his resolution, if such articles were attempted to be executed, of repelling force by force, and of appealing to the general opinion of the world. The King of Bavaria re

turned an evasive answer, in which, however, the existence of the stipula tions in question was clearly implied. The publication of this correspondence excited a strong sensation throughout Germany. Austria, for whose behoof the stipulations in question had been made, openly supported the cause of Bavaria. Public opinion, however, declared itself loudly on the other side, which was understood also to be secretly favoured by Prussia, and even by Russia. Baden immediately began placing its army on a war establishment, and putting its frontier in a posture of defence. A war, however, in such circumstances, and on such grounds, would have been too gross a scandal to be sanctioned by the greater powers. In answer to a requisition from Wirtemberg, Bavaria replied, that she had no intention of employing force to make good her claims against Baden. Thus the matter rested. It was generally understood, though not publicly announced during the present year, that an adjustment of differences took place at the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle.

The people of Baden reaped the fruits of this conflict, in which their prince was involved. Hoping to fortify himself by the affections of his subjects, he presented them with a constitution, which seems to have been cast in a more liberal mould than that of Bavaria. The Lower House consisted entirely of deputies from the towns and bailiwicks. The diet was to be assembled every two years, and the taxes voted only for that period. Should any thing prevent their meeting in time to vote the budget, the Grand Duke could continue to levy the old taxes for six months only.

Wirtemberg continued during this year, as in the end of 1817, distracted by opposite factions, without coming to any important crisis. On one side were the higher nobles, through whose

influence the constitution of 1818 had been rejected; on the other were both King and people, who joined in wishing, that the influence of the feudal bodies should be reduced. The King employed himself in lightening the burden of military service, and in several other reforms; but did not, in the course of 1818, attempt to call a new assembly of the States.

Prussia continued, during the present year, repeating her promises of a constitution, but without taking any steps towards their fulfilment. Hence, the irritation already subsisting between the sovereign and people was continually exasperated. The provinces on the Rhine distinguished themselves above all by the eagerness of their demand for the expected privileges. Numerous petitions were presented, which were in general received without comment, but one offered by the city and government of Coblentz, with upwards of 8000 signatures, drew forth a very sharp reply. The King, referring to his former promise, observes at the same time, that no period had been fixed for its accomplishment, and that he is the sole judge of the time in which such a change can be most advantageously introduced. To remind him of a promise which he freely gave, is intimating a culpable doubt of his fidelity, and encroaching upon his right to fix the time of fulfilment. Such ill-timed representations could have no tendency to accelerate the object at which they aimed. The duty of his subjects was to trust to his free promises, and to wait quietly for the moment which he should judge most expedient for their accomplishment. The King shewed also his eager desire to suppress these representations, by writing a letter of thanks to the commune of Katzemport, which had refused to sign one of them.

Meantime, the commission appoint

ed to form a constitution continued to sit, though no visible fruit arose from their labours. Report describes them as entangled in the local difficulties with which the project was encumbered; the adjustment of the claims of the different ranks of the nation, and the variety of differently constituted states of which Prussia was composed. Lastly, it was said to be desirable, previous to this great change, to bring its finances into a regular shape. These were in the embarrassed state common to all the great powers, after so costly a struggle. London formed the common centre, to which all the powers looked for pecuniary accommodation. Through the house of Rothschild, a loan of three millions sterling was effected, security for which was given upon the royal domains, and which was to be replaced in thirty-six years. Austria, which neither held out to her people any promises of a new constitution, nor was harrassed by any demands for it, felt no embarrassment, unless from the burdened state of her finances. In her extremities, she had gone deep into these iniquitous and injurious measures, to which sovereigns on such occasions are tempted, and which had been borne by the people with surprising patience. The interest paid on the debt had been reduced from 5 to 24 per cent; and a government paper issued to the amount of 55 millions, being inconvertible into specie, had fallen to 30 per cent of its original value. Government, how ever, had done something to remedy these evils. It had made provision for the gradual taking up of the depreciated paper currency; and a sinking fund of half a million had been formed, the uninterrupted operation of which, during fifty years, would, it was expected, clear off the whole of the national debt. During the present year, the commission appointed for the fabrication of paper mo

VOL. XI. PART I.

ney was entirely suppressed; a step which had every tendency to raise the public confidence. The government, in order to relieve its immediate difficulties, succeeded in obtaining from the house of Hope and Baring a loan of three millions at 7 per cent, a rate which, under all cir cumstances, was considered very fa. vourable.

The Emperor of Austria, however little favourable to representative constitutions, yet sought to conciliate his new and unwilling subjects, by calling together the States of Gallicia and Lodomiria. The assembly was formed entirely upon the old system, which in Poland is more decidedly aristocratical than in any other country. This body ventured a pretty strong representation on the enormous amount of the taxes, but in other respects were lavish in their professions of loyalty.

The States of Saxony and of Electoral Hesse were also assembled du ring the present year; but their composition being entirely feudal, the nobles possessed an indisputed preponderance. Their influence tended rather to obstruct than to promote measures for the improvement of the body of the people, to which the sovereigns would gladly have consented. The Elector of Hesse having even suggest ed the admission of a few deputies from the peasantry, the States rejected the proposal, declaring that the nobility alone ought to have any share in the national representation. Already, in 1816, the little state of Saxe Weimar had received from its sovereign a very liberal constitution; and notwithstanding its small extent, the freedom of discussion allowed, and the number of eminent men produced in it, rendered Weimar a sort of literary metropolis of the north of Germany. A session of its States was held this year, which was only dis

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