of other and stronger fortresses in the same country, was ascribed to this act of politic severity.

In other parts of India, the British displayed equal activity and success in the prosecution of the war in which they were engaged. The defeat and subsequent flight of Bajee Rao, the Peshwa of Poonah, which took place in November, 1817, has been already mentioned. He was immediately pursued with unremitting vigour by the different corps of the British army, with a view to his capture, and the ultimate annihilation of his power. To enter into all the particulars of his flight, would enlarge our narrative beyond its due limits; nor would such a detail of places and dates be interesting to our readers. It will be sufficient to observe, that he continued flying before his enemies till the beginning of June, 1818, when he came to the camp of Sir John Malcolm at Mow, a few miles from Indore, with about 4000 or or 5000 horse, and 2000 infantry, for the purpose of surrendering himself. His flight from Poonah was directed southward towards some of his strongholds in the country of Suttara. He was pursued by General Smith; and it was at first imagined, that his intention was to shut himself up in some of his fortresses, and there defend himself to the last extremity. The power of the British, however, in reducing these fortresses, had been of late so successfully displayed, that they had lost all their former reputation as places of security. The Peshwa, therefore, after bringing with him the family of the Rajah of Suttara, to prevent any of them from falling into the hands of the British, who might set them up as competitors for the Mahratta crown in opposition to himself, marched eastward as far as Punderpoor, and thence making a circuit round General Smith, he retraced his steps in a south-westerly direction, and passed between Poonah and

Seroor. From his course northward, he was turned by the rapid pursuit of his active enemies, and retired southward on the direct road to Poonah. The British officer commanding at Poonah, dreading an attack of that city from the whole of the Peshwa's army, sent orders for a battalion which was at Seroor, to repair to Poonah for the purpose of resisting the expected attack. The march of this battalion gave occasion to one of the most me morable actions which was fought during the war. The detachment consisted of a party of the native artillery with two six-pounders, about 500 of the Bombay native infantry, and 300 auxiliary horse, under the command of Captain Staunton. In the course of its march from Seroor to Poonah, it encountered the whole of the Peshwa's army, estimated at 20,000 horse, besides several thousand infantry, which opposed the further progress of the battalion to Poonah, and even threatened to intercept its retreat. A desperate conflict now commenced between this mere handful of men and the whole Mahratta army. The contest continued till after sunset, and consisted of a series of obstinate attacks and defences of the houses in the village and circumjacent buildings, where the battle was fought. The enemy was finally repulsed, and Captain Staunton, despairing of being able to make his way to Poonah, made good his retreat to Seroor, with the loss of a great part of his baggage, which he was forced to sacrifice for the sake of the wounded. The Peshwa, flying south, passed a second time within 20 miles of Poonah, and moved as far south as Gulgula, en the Kishna. He was closely pursued by the different divisions of the British force, which were stationed in the south; and General Smith started from Seroor on the 8th January to join in the pursuit. Arriving in the neighbourhood of Suttara, General Smith

laid siege to it, when it surrendered in the course of a few days. This was the ancient capital of the Mahratta empire; and after it was taken, the standard of the Sevagee was hoisted on the walls of this the ancient seat of his family; and a manifesto was at the same time published, declaring the intention of the British government to punish the treachery of the Peshwa Bajee Rao, by degrading him and his family for ever from the sovereignty of the Mahratta empire. The Peshwa, after the fall of Suttara, being hemmed in by the different divisions of our army, again directed his flight southward, which brought him into contact with other divisions of that immense force which the Anglo-Indian govern ment had kept in the field for the last year. The greatest activity was displayed to hem him in on every side; and he was so closely pursued, that he was involved in various conflicts with the force in pursuit of him, all of which has tened to complete the ruin of his affairs. His strong fortresses were also daily falling before the irresistible power of his enemies; and his subjects, discouraged by these reverses, were gradual ly preparing their necks for the reception of a foreign yoke. So desperate at last was the situation of the Peshwa's affairs, that after long hesitation and wavering, he was induced to submit to the British, who proposed the following conditions as the basis of a more permanent treaty: 1st, That Bajee Rao should renounce for himself and his posterity for ever, all right of sovereignty in the Decan. 2d, That he should give up the person of Trimbukjee, his former confidant and adviser, and all persons who were concerned in the murder of the two British subjects, the Vaughans, at the beginning of the war. 3d, That he should separate himself from his army, and come into the British camp, in which case his person should be pro

tected, and some holy city should be assigned for his future residence, with a suitable pension. His pension was afterwards settled at about 100,000l. per annum. To these conditions the Peshwa agreed, when he surrendered his person to the British; and the treaty with him was duly ratified by the Governor-General; although it was thought that Sir John Malcolm had extended an undue degree of liberality to the fallen prince.

After the capture of the Peshwa, his extensive dominions were taken under the administration of the British; and, owing to the utter ruin of his affairs, and the politic measures pursued by the British resident, Mr Elphinstone, the whole country was quickly brought to submit to British authority. It is well known, that in India the cultivation of the land is the great employment of the inhabitants; and that the public revenue is derived chiefly from a land-tax, which is levied directly from the different classes of proprietors and tenants, the regular payment of this tax being indeed the tenure by which the land is held. It was the first care, therefore, of the British resident, to give security to the cultivators, by guaranteeing them against military pillage or extortion; while the higher classes were secured by the same promises, and by other compensations. The Bramins were secured in their religious rights, and in the immense property which they had acquired from the benefactions of the pious; and by these popular mea. sures, all classes were won to the new order of things. There was only one order of men against whom the British denounced implacable vengeance. These were the Arabs, who had always fought bravely in the field, and from whom they of course experienced the most determined resistence. Numbers of this wandering race had settled as colonists in this part of India, or

had hired themselves out to the different powers as soldiers of fortune; and it was now determined to re-transport these unfortunate persons from the country where they had been long settled, and where many of them had acquired distinction and wealth, to their native wilds in Arabia.

The district of Nagpoor, the Rajah of which, Appa Saheb, had made a last and unsuccessful effort to free himself from the British yoke in 1817, was the scene of new troubles in 1818. The Prince, after his pusillanimous surrender to the British army, was restored to the nominal sovereignty of his territories; but he was left, by the rigorous terms imposed on him, with out any real power, being held under the most degrading thraldom by the British, who justly suspected him of disaffection to their authority and influence, and indeed it could hardly well be otherwise. On what principle can the conquerors and their victims ever be united by any tie of affection or confidence? The British authority in India has no root whatever in the sentiments, habits, or manners of the people. A strong military force is the true foundation on which it rests, and resistance to it, therefore, by the Indian chiefs, must always be a mere calculation of prudence. The British, indeed, always hold forth the notion of allegiance being due to them by the Indian princes, whom they have gradually degraded from their rank into a subserviency to their authority; and they reprobate their attempts to regain their former privileges and power under the name of rebellion, for which they assume the right of punishing them according to their discretion. Nothing, however, is more natural than for the Indian princes to unite against the British, whom they consider as the common enemies of Indian independence, and whose degrading thraldom they are anxious to cut off.

It was under the influence of these feelings, that Appa Saheb, the Rajah of Nagpoor, finding himself under a degrading bondage to a foreign power, and sensible that his affairs were not by any means in such a desperate situation as his fears suggested, resolved to embrace the first favourable opportunity to throw off the yoke. Secret orders were accordingly sent to all the commanders of the fortresses in the mountain districts, to defend them to the last extremity, to call out their followers, and to offer every annoyance in their power to the British authorities, especially to cut off detachments in charge of convoys, and prevent the country from furnishing supplies to the different armies in the field. Every expedient was at the same time put in practice to impose on the British resident by a show of peace. Various circumstances occurred, however, particularly the obstinate defence of the hill forts, contrary to the express orders of Appa Saheb, to excite suspicions of his sincerity, and from that time he was diligently watched by the resident, who surrounded him with spies, and thus acquired particular information of all his most secret movements. Several couriers, who were dispatched by him on private and confidential services, the resident caused to be arrested with important papers, and having thus procured the most complete evidence of the Rajah's hostile designs, he resorted at length to the decisive measure of securing possession of his person. This was effected by means of a party of seapoys, who went unarmed and seized him. Nagoo Punt and Ramchundur, Wagh, his advisers, were seized at the same time. They were all three held in close confinement for some time at the Nagpoor residency, when it was determined to send them to an old palace of the Mogul's, within the fort of Allahabad, which was in every re

spect fitted for their safe custody. They began their journey on the 3d May, under a strong escort, commanded by Captain Browne. In the course of this march, the prince contrived by his secret agents to corrupt several of the seapoys appointed to guard him; and by this means, on the morning of the 13th, about two o'clock, a seapoy's dress was introduced into Appa Saheb's tent; in which the Rajah being accoutred, joined the group, and under semblance of a relief, marched completely out of the camp. Relays of horses were in readiness to carry him to a distance before any alarm could be given. Six seapoys deserted with him, carrying with them their arms and accoutrements, and a few others followed their example in the course of the week. Every thing in the tent of Appa Saheb was left in its usual place, insomuch that the two servants, whose duty it was to handrub their master as he slept, continued to perform the same office to the cushions of the bed; and when the guard was changed at four in the morning, the native officer, who, according to Captain Browne's standing orders, looked into the tent to ascertain the presence of the Rajah, seeing them so engaged, was satisfied, and entertained no suspicion that he had escaped. Every exertion was made, but in vain, to trace the route of Appa Saheb, and to effect his re-apprehension. He fled to some of the mountainous districts, and was harboured by a rajah of consider. able influence in that quarter. To wards the close of the rainy season, he was enabled to collect round him a few followers from the wreck of Bajee Rao's army, and from the fugitive Arabs driven out of Kandesh, and with this band he gave considerable disturbance, nor was the rising

in his favour entirely subdued by the termination of the year.

The expence of these various and complicated wars was very great, insomuch, that the surplus revenue of several prosperous years, which had been accumulated in the treasury to the amount, according to Mr Princep, of about eight millions sterling, was not only all expended, but an additional sum of debt was also contracted, amounting to 4 millions sterling; thus increasing the Indian debt, which, in 1814, amounted to about 29 millions sterling, to 34,775,7921. its amount in April, 1818, with an annual interest of 26 lacks of rupees. To balance the disadvantages of this enormous debt, Mr Princep, in the general view which he gives of Indian affairs in his judicious work, calculates the increased revenue which may be expected to arise from the conquered territories, and also the great reductions which may be made in our military establishments, in consequence of the successful war, and the general peace by which it has been followed. He intimates his conviction, that the recent acquisitions have been cheaply purchased at the expence of so many millions, and he revives the illusion, so often held out, of a surplus revenue from India, for the benefit of the proprietors in Europe. It remains to be seen how far these expectations will be fulfilled. In the meantime, it may be observed, that in no former instance, as has been proved by figures, which cannot lie, has any increase of revenue in India been attended with any benefit to the proprietors in Europe; and if, in the present case, it should lead to this happy consequence, it will most assuredly be at variance with all past experience of the Company's affairs.