Some of these reasons are plausible, and others have considerable force; they are partly derived from the constitution of England, and partly from the nature and obligations of religion. To all of them the writers on the side of the parliament replied at great length; and justified the resistance of the people to the arbitrary measures of government, on other and unanswerable grounds. Instead of stating these at length, I shall here give the reflections of Baxter, which embrace the strength of them, in his own words.

"For my own part, I freely confess that I was not judicious enough in politics and law to decide this controversy. Being astonished at the Irish massacre, and persuaded fully both of the parliament's good endeavours for reformation, and of their real danger, my judgment of the main cause, much swayed my judgment in the matter of the wars; and the arguments à fine, et à natura, et necessitate, which common wits are capable of discerning, did too far incline my judgment in the cause of the war, before I well understood the arguments from our particular laws. The consideration of the quality of the persons also, that sided for each cause, did greatly work with me, and more than it should have done. I verily thought that if that which a judge in court saith is law, must go for law to the subject, as to the decision of that cause, though the king send his broad seal against it; then that which the parliament saith is law, is law to the subject about the dangers of the commonwealth, whatever it be in itself.

"I make no doubt that both parties were to blame, as it commonly falleth out in most wars and contentions; and I will not be he that will justify either of them. I doubt not but the headiness and rashness of the younger inexperienced sort of religious people, made many parliament men and ministers overgo themselves to keep pace with those Hotspurs. No doubt but much indiscretion appeared, and worse than indiscretion in the tumultuous petitioners; and much sin was committed in the dishonouring of the king, and in the uncivil language against the bishops and liturgy of the church. But these things came chiefly from the sectarian, separating spirit, which blew the coals among foolish apprentices. And as the sectaries increased, so the insolence increased. One or two in the House, and five or six ministers that came from Holland, and a few relicts of the Brownists that were scattered in the city, did drive on others,

and sowed the seeds which afterward spread over all the land."

"But I then thought, whoever was faulty, the people's liberties and safety should not be forfeited. I thought that all the subjects were not guilty of all the faults of king or parliament when they defended them: yea, that if both their causes had been bad as against each other; yet that the subjects should adhere to that party which most secured the welfare of the nation, and might defend the land under their conduct without owning all their cause. And herein I was then so zealous, that I thought it was a great sin for men that were able to defend their country, to be neuters. And I have been tempted since to think that I was a more competent judge upon the place, when all things were before our eyes, than I am in the review of those days and actions so many years after, when distance disadvantageth the apprehension." n

It is evident from these statements, that Baxter was a decided friend to the parliamentary cause. The reasons which influenced his judgment were those which probably guided the determination of the great body of persons who espoused that side, in the momentous controversy which then divided the country. Many of those who were incapable of judging in the numerous political questions and altercations, which the grand subject involved, were well enough qualified to form an opinion respecting the substantial merits of the difference between the king and the people. The love of religion, and the desire of liberty, were the great inspiring principles. The resistance which they met with only increased their vigour, and thus in

It is very singular that Baxter should attribute so much evil to the dissenting brethren of the Westminster assembly, and the sectaries of whom they were the reputed leaders, especially after his own account of the former state of things which we have given. The civil wars produced or occasioned the sects, not the sects the wars. The long parliament had taken some of its strongest measures before the five Independent ministers returned to England from Holland. A good while must have elapsed after their return before their influence could extend far; and without violent and unreasonable opposition to their fair and moderate request for a toleration, their influence at no time would have been great. Compared with many of their opponents, both their language and their temper were moderate; and it might be easy to show that the exaggerated lamentations and insulting abuse of their adversaries were calculated to produce, and actually did produce, a worse effect on the country than anything done by the Independents either in or out of parliament. On this subject further particulars will be furnished in a subsequent part of this work.

• Life, part i. p. 39.

sured their success. Though they were guilty of occasional evils, and produced temporary confusion, the great objects which they contemplated were never lost sight of, and the result of the struggle was in a high degree glorious.

We have already glanced at the trouble Baxter experienced at Kidderminster, from the ignorant rabble, which disliked his preaching and his strictness. Towards the end of 1642, the heat of the parties became so great that he was exposed to considerable danger. The king's declarations were read in the market-place, and a country gentleman, who officiated on the occasion, stopped at sight of Baxter, and called out "There goes a traitor." The commission of array was set on foot, which increased the rage of the rioters. "Down with the roundheads," became the watch-word; and knocking down every person whose hair was short and his dress respectable immediately followed. In consequence of these things, Baxter was advised to withdraw for a short time from the scene of his labours. The county of Worcester was devoted to the king; so that no one who was known to be for the parliament could then be of service,

CHAPTER III.

1642-1646.

Baxter goes to Gloucester-Returns to Kidderminster-Visits Alcester-Battle of Edghill-Residence in Coventry-Battle of Naseby-State of the Parliamentary Army-Consults the Ministers about going into it-Becomes Chaplain to Colonel Whalley's regiment-Opinions of the Soldiers-Disputes with them-Battle of Langport-Wicked Report of an Occurrence at this place-The Army retires to Bridgewater and Bristol-Becomes ill-Various Occurrences in the Army-Chief Impediments to his Success in it-Cromwell-Harrison-Berry-Advised by the Ministers to continue in it-Goes to London on account of his Health-Joins the Army in WorcestershireAttacked with violent Bleeding-Leaves the Army-Entertained by Lady Rous-Remarks on his Views of the Army, and conduct in it,

THE immediate cause of Baxter's withdrawment from Kidderminster was a violent attack on his life, and on that of the churchwarden, by a mob, excited by a parliamentary order for defacing images of the Trinity in churches, and removing crucifixes; to which they considered Baxter a party, though the execution of the order had not been attempted. This brutal outrage shows the ignorant and degraded state of the people. On leaving Kidderminster, he went to Gloucester, where he found the people civil and religious, as different from those of the former place as if they had lived under another government. Here he remained for a month, during which many political pamphlets were published on both sides. Here, also, he first witnessed the contentions between the ministers and the Baptists, and other sects, which then frequently took place in the country. A public arena was chosen ; judges, or moderators, were appointed; champions on each side bade defiance: while the public were called to witness the religious tournament, and to applaud the victor, Truth was generally claimed by both parties; but if the justice of the cause depended on the spirit and weapons of the champions, in most instances she would have disclaimed both. About a dozen young men, in Gloucester, of considerable parts, had been re-baptised, and laboured, as was very natural, to draw

others after them. The minister of the place, Mr. Winnel, being hot and impatient, excited rather than calmed them. He wrote a book against them, which produced little effect on the Baptists, and led the people of the country to blame him for his violence and asperity. This was the commencement, Baxter says, of much evil at Gloucester.

When he had remained in it about a month, his friends at Kidderminster wished him to return, which he accordingly did; but, after continuing a short time, he found the state of matters so little improved, the fury of the rabble and of the king's soldiers being still great, that he was under the necessity of withdrawing again. The war was now in active operation in that part of the country; the main army of the king, commanded by Prince Rupert, and that of the parliament, under the Earl of Essex, occupying the county of Worcester. After noticing some petty skirmishes, he gives the following account of the battle of Edghill, and his subsequent proceedings:

Upon the Lord's day, October 23, 1642, I preached at Alcester for my reverend friend, Mr. Samuel Clark. As I was preaching, the people heard the cannon play, and perceived that the armies were engaged. When the sermon was done, in the afternoon, the report was more audible, which made us all long to hear of the success. About sun-setting, many troops fled through the town, and told us that all was lost on the parliament's side; and that the carriages were taken, and the waggons plundered, before they came away. The townsmen sent a messenger to Stratford-on-Avon, to know the truth. About four o'clock in the morning he returned, and told us that Prince Rupert wholly routed the left wing of the Earl of Essex's army; but while his men were plundering the waggons, the main body and the right wing routed the rest of the king's army; took his standard, but lost it again; killed General, the Earl of Lindsay, and took his son prisoner: that few persons of quality, on the side of the parliament, were lost, and no nobleman but Lord, St. John, eldest son to the Earl of Bolingbroke: that the loss of the left wing happened through the treachery of Sir Faithful Fortescue, major to Lord Fielding's regiment of horse, who turned to the king when he should have charged and that the victory was obtained principally by Colonel Hollis's regiment of London red-coats, and the Earl of Essex's own regiment and life guard, where Sir Philip Stapleton, Sir Arthur Haselrigge, and Colonel Urrey, did much.