the importance of the interests affect ed by the accusation."

Mr Perceval was of a different opinion. "The more," he said, "the House reflected upon the importance of the subject, the more it would concur with Mr Adam in thinking that it ought not to lay aside its inquisitorial functions in this instance. He could state, upon the authority of the Duke of York himself, that the most ready course of prosecuting the inquiry would be the most agreeable to him, and that he deprecated nothing so much as a course which might impede the final result. That illustrious personage wished, like any other subject, to be put publicly upon his trial, and to stand acquitted or convicted upon the case which might be made out, at the same time that he had a thorough conviction that he should exculpate himself from all charge." Mr Perceval added, "from the nature of the facts which had been already stated, he would stake his reputation, that it was impossible, after the result of the inquiry, for even any suspicion to attach to his royal highness. The House would pause before it departed from its established usage, to adopt a parliamentary commission. He felt the inconvenience of a parliamentary inquiry, but that inconvenience must be encountered on so important an occasion." Then adverting to another part of Colonel Wardle's speech," that honourable gentleman," he said, "had stated a circumstance which particularly involved the character of his Majesty's government; he had mentioned that two members of the King's cabinet were concerned in an agency for the disposal of government patronage. This was a topic on which he felt it due to himself to require the fullest

information, and it was for Colonel Wardle to determine whether he would afford it in a public manner in that House, or by a private communication to some of the responsible servants of the crown. When that information was given, no means would be left undone to unravel and elucidate the truth or falsehood of the allegation, nor any diligence omitted to bring the delinquents, if any there should be, to justice. In this great capital it might happen that foolish persons were frequently deceived by advertisements in the public papers, announcing the disposal of official patronage; and perhaps it had occasionally turned out, that the very persons who were originally deceived by these advertisements to make applications, did ultimately obtain the very appointments for which they had endeavoured to negociate; but he was convinced, that as there was nothing so discreditable to government, so there was nothing more false in fact, than the idea that money was paid to persous high in office for such transactions."

Colonel Wardle replied, "the office where this agency was transacted was in a court in Threadneedle street. The names of the agents in that office were Heylop and Pullen. They had stated various situations purchased in the island of Jamaica, and that the two members of the present cabinet for whom they acted in such negociations, and to whom he alluded in his speech, were the Lord Chancellor, and the Duke of Portland." At this the House rung with peals of laughter, so outrageously absurd the accusation was thought, and such was the surprise of all the members, the scorn of many, and the triumph of those who came to the investigation more with the temper of

advocates than of judges. It was carried, without a dissenting voice, that the conduct of his royal highness the commander-in-chief should be referred to a committee; and Mr Perceval then moved, that it should be a committee of the whole House. Lord Folkestone objected to this, because of the well-known inconvenience resulting from such an inquiry. The ends of justice he thought would best be answered by a select committee, from whose reports all the benefits of publicity would be derived; and he expressed his surprise that the chancellor of the exchequer should interfere with the mode of proceeding which the honourable mover had adopted. Mr Canning replied, "that this interference was not to restrict, but to extend inquiry, not to narrow the means, but to enlarge the sphere of deliberation. The mode now proposed was established by various precedents, nor did the honourable mover himself manifest any unwillingness to submit his charges to the House of Commons in its most extended capacity. That gentleman had declared, that in calling the attention of Parliament to this very important subject, he was solely actuated by a sense of public duty, being free from any hostile feeling toward the elevated personage whose character his charges went so vitally to affect: He could not then be dissatisfied with those who placed him upon the most commanding stage to reap the benefit of his patriotic labours. He surely must be aware, that having undertaken the responsible task of submitting to a British House of Commons such a serious accusation, whatever might be the issue of the investigation, in whatever view the House should con

sider the transactions which he had disclosed, whether they should be refuted or substantiated, infamy must attach somewhere, either upon the accused, or the accuser. From the system which had been deliberately pursued for some time past by the enemies of his royal highness, he had to congratulate that illustrious personage, and at the same time to thank the honourable mover, for this opportunity of canvassing the subject upon charges preferred in a tangible shape. That royal personage had long been subjected to the systematic calumnies of a set of unprincipled libellers; he had been treated in their vile and malignant publications with a brutality of insult which almost made good men hesitate in deciding whether the value of a free discussion was not considerably depreciated by the evils of its unbridled licentiousness. Scarcely had a day elapsed for the last six months, without some fresh attack upon his honour, his character, and his feelings. There was a cowardliness, a baseness, a wretchedness in the libels against his royal highness, which far exceeded the calumnious profligacy of other times;-a cowardice, too, of the basest kind, participating of the most depraved and odious qualities, and deserving of that execration which the best feelings of humanity would pronounce on the base assailant of female weakness; because to direct unfounded attacks against those in high authority, was nearly similar to an attack on an undefended woman. It was therefore as sincerely interested in the honour and reputation of his royal highness that he rejoiced to find this inquiry had taken a distinct shape, and that, in the due and proper place, the period for inculpa

A proper reply to this was made by Mr Whitbread. "The right honourable secretary had assumed that a conspiracy existed, and argued upon that assumption. If such a conspiracy did exist, every man must lament that a personage so elevated in rank and influence should be exposed to unmerited calumny. Still it was to be presumed and hoped that a prince of the house of Hanover would prefer even suffering under such attacks, rather than risk the liberty of that press, to which that family and the British empire owed so much. But why was this brutality of insult so long suffered to continue? Were the attorney and solicitor generals asleep, and the other law officers of the crown asleep also? How came it that they neglected their duty? He was ready to give them credit that the omission was not intentional. He concurred heartily in the motion of the chancellor of the exchequer, and the arguments of the right honourable secretary, for the most public inquiry; but there was one point on which he must differ from the latter. Mr Canning had assumed, that if the result of the inquiry should, as be trusted, acquit his royal highness, the person who preferred the accusation would be infamous. Such doctrine was not supported, either by the spirit or usage of the constitution. If there were justifiable grounds for his charge, or if informations of a strong kind were laid before him, it was his bounden duty to act upon

it in that House."

The cry of jacobinism, which Mr Yorke had begun upon this occasion, was echoed by Lord Castlereagh. "Mr Whitbread," he said, " seemed to doubt the existence of a systema

niate the Duke of York and the royal family; but who was there that read the daily newspapers, and those other publications which came before them more indirectly, who could entertain a doubt that a systematic conspiracy did exist, with the determined object of running down the characters of the princes of the blood, and destroying, through them, the monarchical branch of the constitution? It was evident that the same party who in times past endeavoured to subvert all the establishments of the country by force of arms, was now endeavouring to undermine them, by calumniating the members of the royal family, and all persons in eminent and distinguished situations. That party could not now think of carrying their object by force, as they knew that such an attempt would be too desperate in the present times; but they were unremitting in their exertions to prepare the way for their object, by the diffusion of seditious libels; converting the noble attributes of a free press to the most dangerous and detestable purposes. It was asked what were the law officers doing? The fact was, that they had instituted numerous prosecutions, but their entire time would be taken up in prosecuting the libellers of the Duke of York, if every libel was to be prosecuted. Neither was it always easy to convict upon an obvious libel. A very small portion of legal knowledge, united with some ingenuity, was sufficient to defeat a prosecution. There was also another way in which li bellers might escape justice. When forbearance had been stretched to its utmost point, and the law was about to be put in force against them, they shrunk from the laws, and quit

ted the country. In a very remarkable recent case, that of Major Hogan, even before the libel issued from the press, the author had secured his passage to America. The House and the Duke of York were now in a new situation, and he congratulated them upon it. It should be remembered, that every charge which had hitherto been made in that House, against any part of the duke's conduct, had only tended to raise his royal highness higher in the estimation of the public, and exhibit in a clearer view the purity of the principles upon which he acted. Whatever inconveniencies might be suffered in devoting to this investigation so much of that time which was wanting for other important business, it was better to endure that inconvenience than suffer calumnies to rest upon persons in the most distinguished public situations; and the House and the country

ought to feel indebted to the honourable gentleman who brought the question forward, as it was reducing those charges which had so often been advanced into a tangible shape, and a form upon which a regular decision might be obtained." It was then resolved that the House should form itself into a committee on the Wednesday following. The proceedings of this committee were expected by the public with anxiety as well as curiosity. The prevailing opinion was, that the charges were true, but that Colonel Wardle would not be able to produce legal proof of them. That the duke could not possibly come off with honour from the investigation, was certain :-it would be proved, and admitted before the House of Commons, that he, a married man, had lived in adultery with Mrs Clarke, a married woman.

On the evening apFeb. 1. pointed, the House resolved itself into a committee; Mr Ralph Wharton in the chair. Colonel Wardle, before he proceeded to the investigation, made some remarks upon the language which had been used towards him by Mr Yorke. "He had a right," he said, "to appear in his place as a member of Parliament, the accuser of the commander-in-chief, and any other member had a right to deliver his opinion upon the subject; but he did not expect to be attacked in his personal character, nor to have his conduct imputed to private motives. Much was said about the licentiousness of the press, the spirit of jacobinism, and a conspiracy to overturn the house of Brunswick. Nothing, however, which he had said had any thing to do with the licentiousness of the press; there was no man who abhorred jacobine principles more than himself, unless by jacobine was meant an enemy to corruption; for such he was, whether it existed in great or little men; and as conspiracy against the House of

to

Brunswick, if any man presumed to charge such a motive to him, it was the duty of that man openly and manfully to follow up his accusation by proofs. As to jacobinism, indeed, if his principles had tended that way, he should have adopted a contrary conduct, and instead of opposing, have cherished corruption, until it undermined the government; but his object was to check corruption, to serve his country, and to prevent in time those dreadful effects which were the certain consequence of corruption." This produced an explanation from Mr Yorke, who declared, that what he had said about jacobinism had no relation to Colonel Wardle: So far, indeed, from casting any censure on him, he had affirmed, that his royal highness must feel obliged to him for putting the rumours which had so long been industriously propagated upon the subject in a tangible shape.

Colonel Wardle then proceeded to his proofs. He read an extract from the London Gazette of July 30th, 1805, announcing the promotion of Colonel Brooke from the 56th