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could be only momentary. Captain Hotham having thus openJune 26. ed such a communication with Coruna as was equally desirable for both nations, sent Captain Parker to Ferrol, where the joy of the people, at seeing an English officer in their streets, was manifested by the loudest acclamations and by every possible mark of attachment. The castle of S. Felipe was still held by a traitor whom Ney had appointed to the command. He had under him a legion which the French had raised while they were in possession of the two towns, and over these men he retained his authority as long as the real state of affairs could be concealed, for probably Ney left him with a promise of returning as soon as he should have effected his junction with Soult. This traitor gave orders to fire upon any English ships or boats that might attempt to pass; Captain Hotham, immediately upon hearing this, stood over to Ferrol in the Defiance, and landed the marines of that ship and of the Amazon, with a party of armed seamen under Captain Parker, who proceeded to attack the castle. But though the men who garrisoned it had been weak enough to suffer themselves to be enrolled in the intruder's service, now that it was in their power to deliver themselves, they refused to obey their commander, and joyfully welcomed the English, who entered preceded by the Spanish colours. The people of Ferrol then arrested the traitorous governor in the name of Ferdinand.

Soult was at Lugo when these events occurred. He left there 977 of his sick, and endeavoured to bring Romana to action, committing his accustomed cruelties wherever he

went. But Romana was too wary ;
and though it was Ney's advice that
Soult should remain in Galicia and
co-operate with him in recovering
possession of the province, the latter
general, who is the ablest of all the
French commanders that have been
employed in Spain, was induced to
form a different determination, both
by political considerations and by ne-
cessity. He had now received nei-
ther succours of any kind nor instruc-
tions, nor even intelligence, for five
months, so well had the Spaniards
and Portugueze cut off all communi-
There was no
cation with Madrid.
place in Galicia where he could rest
and supply his troops, and leave his
sick in security. He therefore re-
treated to Zamora. Two letters to
the intruder, written from the Pue-
blo de Sanabria upon their retreat,
giving an account of his movements
and of the state of the army and of
the province, fell into the hands of
the peasantry. General Franceschi,
who had been governor of Santiago,
was charged with them, being a per-
son whom Soult could trust to con-
fer with Joseph Buonaparte concern-
ing some changes which he proposed
to make in his officers. The pea-
santry were almost frantic with the
cruelties that had been perpetrated
among them, and Franceschi would
have been one of the victims of their
vengeance, if they had not, knowing
his rank, spared him in the hope of
exchanging him for Palafox. The
letters were exceedingly important.
Soult informed the intruder that the
war in Galicia was become very mur-
derous and infinitely disagreeable, and
its termination was far distant. The
only means of bringing it to a good
conclusion would be, he thought, to
fortify seven or eight important posts,

each capable of containing a garrison of 5 or 600 men, a hospital, and provisions for four months; by this means the people might be kept in check, the principal passes closed, points of support would be provided for the columns acting in the province, in whatever direction they moved, and where they might receive assistance and deposite their sick. This, he said, was a very powerful consideration, for it was not to be concealed that the present circumstances had a great effect upon the minds of the soldiers, knowing as they did, that if they were wounded or seized with a fever at a distance from a place of safety, they were liable to perish for want of assistance, or to be put to death by the peasantry.

A million of French money, according to Soult's opinion, would suffice to put Galicia in this state of defence, and no money could be employed to better purpose, especially as a smaller number of troops would then suffice to occupy it. Lugo should be fortified, three blockhouses erected on the line of Villafranca in the Bierzo, and the fortifications of Tuy, Monforte, Monterey, Viana, and the Pueblo de Sanabria restored, which might easily be done. A few other posts might be added if needful. Some of these measures he had persuaded Marshal Ney to undertake, but Ney at this time, instead of fortifying Lugo, was flying beyond Astorga. Soult's letters also discovered the state of feeling among the French themselves; there had been intrigues or conspiracies in his army

Un affoiblessement moral.

when he quitted Porto; some of his generals had not always done what was in their power for the success of the operation with which they were entrusted, others had shewn symp toms of what he called a moraldebility. "In this kind of war," said he, " and with the sort of enemy with whom we have to contend, it is of great importance that the chiefs who are at the head of the troops should be not only immoveable, but that they should possess that force of mind which places them in all circumstan ces above events even the most † vexa tious." The moral debility of which Marshal Soult complained, implied that some of his officers were shock ed at the atrocities which they were ordered to commit. The peasantry from the beginning repaid these cruelties, and carried on a war of ex termination against these ruffians; the Spanish army were long before they could resolve upon executing the dreadful principle of retaliation, but they were at length compelled to it. At Lourizon, thirty monks and forty-nine of the principal inhabitants were hung by the French, who the set the place on fire. In return for this, 130 of the prisoners taken at the battle of St Payo were put to death. Barrios, who commanded one of the detachments, repeatedly remonstra ted with Ney upon the barbarities which that general committed upon the patriots: his remonstrances were in vain, and at length he executed the threats with which he enforced them, by throwing 700 French prisoners at one time into the Minho.

Dans le genre de guerre, que nous faisons, et avec l'espece d'ennemis qu'il y a combattre, il importe beaucoup au succes des operations, que les chefs qui sont à la tete des troupes soient non seulement impassibles, mais qu'ils ayent une force d'ame qui les mette en toute circumstance au dessus des evenements même les plus facheur.

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CHAP. XXX.

Sir Arthur Wellesley enters Spain. Battle of Talavera. The Allies retreat after their Victory, and cross the Tagus. Mortier defeats part of Chese's Army at the Bridge of the Archbishop. Movement of Venegas till his De feat at Almonacid.

THE head-quarters of Marshal Victor, after he returned from his movement in favour of Soult to his former position, were at Truxillo: Cuesta was on his left flank, having his head-quarters at Fuente del Maestro, and his advance at Calemonte on the Guadiana, a league from Merida. Sir Arthur formed a plan for cutting off the enemy's retreat by a movement through Castello Branco and Plasencia to the bridge of Almaraz; this he relinquished, partly because it did not coincide with Cuesta's opinion, and also because he found it impossible to prevail upon that general to chuse a secure position, or to concentrate his army, which was distributed with so little judgement in an open country, that if Victor had ventured to attack it, an easier victory might have been obtained than that of Medellin. The French have seldom suffered such opportunities to pass by, and Sir Arthur was very apprehensive that the army, which had been raised with such exertions, would be defeated and dispersed be

fore he could possibly effect a junc tion with it. Victor, however, wai content to forego this advantage rather than risk the danger of being cut off from Madrid by such an ope ration as Sir Arthur had meditated; he broke up, therefore, at the begin ning of June, and retreated across the Tagus at Almaraz; Cuesta followed, but without obtaining any advantage over him in his retreat, and sufficiently fortunate that the French Marshal was in too much fear of a better army, to profit by the want of discipline in the Spa niards and the want of skill in their commanders.

When Sir Arthur had given p his original plan in consequence Cuesta's incapacity, it was concerted that he should join that general at Badajoz. Victor's retreat rendered this unnecessary, and it was then agreed that he should advance, as he had at first proposed, by way of Pa sencia. The army of La Mancha at this time, consisting of 16,000 foot and 1300 horse, was under Venegas,

subject, however, to Cuesta's orders. This was the side on which the French were most exposed; Albuquerque, by one operation, though it had only partially succeeded, had retarded the plans of the enemy for more han a month, and, had he not been withheld by the positive orders of nen who were unworthy to control im, there is every reason for beliering that he would have prevented many of the disasters which afterwards occurred. His patriotism was undoubted; no man, indeed, ever more passionately loved his Country: his military talents were uperior to those of any other of the Spanish generals, after the death of Reding, Romana perhaps alone excepted; and when these moral advantages concurred, his high rank and illustrious family ought to have been considered as circumstances to recommend him, giving him, as they would have done, additional claims to the respect of the army and people. With both he was exceeding ly popular, especially among the La Manchans; having been a sucesssful general, and almost the only one who had obtained any success, the soldiers had an opinion of his good fortune as well as of his talents, and this of all things is the most important. Mr Frere, who estimated the merits of the duke as they deserved, was exceedingly desirous that he should have the command in La Mancha, and suggested it to Cuesta. "An army," he said, "which had been torn by factions, thrown into confusion by the successive removal of its officers, and discouraged by ill fortune, could have no hope of being speedily re-established and conducted to victory, except by a general who was known to them for his successes, and who was personally po

pular among them, and in the province wherein he was to act. The Duke de Albuquerque was the only one who united in himself these advantages; and for the situation which he at present held in General Cuesta's army, Venegas would not be less useful, having always served under General Cuesta, and not only near his person, but immediately under his eyes. Unhappily Cuesta was jealous of the duke's popularity, and the supreme junta were jealous of his rank and influence. Mr Frere's advice was rejected, and this may be considered as a prime cause of the failure of the campaign.

It had at first been doubted whether the French would make any thing more than a shew of resistance on this side of Madrid, and a plan was proposed for menacing their retreat and the rear of the metropolis, by detaching a considerable Spanish corps through the Puerto de Arenas to Avila, Arevalo, and Segovia. Such a movement, it was thought, would compel the enemy either to retreat, or to detach a force of correspondent magnitude, and thus a material advantage would be afforded to the British army, which, when concentrated, amounted only to 20,000 men. Cuesta had about 38,000, well armed, but ill disciplined and ill clothed, which, in their state of discipline, was an evil of more consequence than may immediately be obvious. The intruder, with 9000 of his guards, and the greater part of the garrison of Madrid, had joined Sebastiani's army in La Mancha, and attempted to bring Venegas to action; but finding this in vain, they left 200 men to defend Toledo against him, and prepared to bring their whole disposable force, consisting of about 50,000, against the united Spa

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