great tythes, that is, in the rectories. Len the condition of all the inferior incumbents, the vicars, is greatly preferable to that of the curates. Suppose a perfon is incumbent of a small vicarage, he faves the expences of house rent, has a garden, orchard, and generally a little glebe to fupply a horfe, and a cow or two, befides fome fmall endowment, fomething arifing annually from Eafter offerings, furplice fees and prefents, an opportunity of improving his little glebe, which may now be of fomething more value, fince the decifion relative to aggiftment tythes. Whereas the miferable curate muft rent a houfe or lodging for himself and family, enjoys none of the above conveniencies and advantages, has nothing befides his bare 30l. or 40l. a year, the average of the falary allowed to furnish every article for himfelf and family, which at these times is a very scanty support indeed.' E.

POLITICS and POLICE.

Art. 45. A Friendly Addrefs to the well-difpofed and peaceable Inhabitants of this happy Land. In a Series of Letters which appeared in the News-paper of the WORLD, during the Months of June, July, and Auguft; to which is added, an Essay on the Slavetrade, and on Libels, &c. &c. By AMICUS. 8vo. pp. 203. 45. Boards. Faulder. 1792.

Let the writer of thefe re-printed Letters be allowed to characterize them himself. They are, he obferves, in the course of his long-extended title page, intended to expofe the fallacy and criminality of the political doctrines of Priestley, Paine, and other modern reformers; to bring into a comprehensive view, the beau ties and peculiar excellencies of the British form of government; and to ferve as an antidote for those poisonous fentiments, attempted to be infufed into the minds of the people, by the affiduous en. deavours of the ignorant, ambitious, and defigning.'

On the general topics of parliamentary reform, taxes, the testact, &c. &c. the author argues with more fobriety, moderation, and fairness, than is ufual with political, or, indeed, any controverfialifts who rush, as he has done, into the "fore-front of the hottest battle;" and, on the whole, if he fails to make many converts, his arguments may at leaft ferve to convince fome of the doubtful, and to confirm the wavering. We much approve his patriotic fentiments refpecting the doctrine of Libeis, and the rights of Juries. In regard to the Slave-trade, he offers fome commercial remarks, in addition to thofe which have been commonly urged purely on the principle of benevolence: but for these, and other particulars, we must refer to the book.

Art. 46. A Letter to the Freeholders of Huntingdonshire. 8vo.

PP. 17.

This letter-writer declares himself proud to be ranked in that clafs of British citizens, who are of opinion that our conftitution, fupported in its true fpirit, is capable of anfwering every purpole of civil government; and, confequently, that political wildom requires, in this country, not the diffolution, but the reformation, of the established fyftem. At the fame time, he thinks it abfurd to fuppofe that the conflitution has arrived at its utmost point of per

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fection;

fection; and he deems it a direct contradiction of the clearest faЯs to affert, that it has no corruptions of fo ferious a kind as to render reformation neceffary. A timely correction of defects he confiders as the only way to prevent the confufion neceffarily attending a revolution. The point on which he chiefly infifts is, the neceflity of removing that infringement of the rights of citizens, which confifts in excluding men from civil offices, merely on account of religious opinions. The ufual arguments for fuch an alteration are forcibly urged; and the author gives it as his decided opinion, that whenever religion is blended with politics, the former fuffers without any advantage to the latter; that inftead of fmoothing the path of life, instead of being the harbinger of peace and good-will to man, fhe is then transformed into a fury, her creed in one hand, a lighted totch in the other, exciting the most cruel and vindictive paffions.* The letter is fenfibly written: but the fubject is too much exhausted to admit of any confiderable novelty of obfervation or argument. E. Art. 47. The Freedom of France effential to that of Great Britain and Ireland. Adreffed to the People of the three Kingdoms. By a Gentleman of the Inner Temple. 8vo. pp. 36. 1s. Parfons. 1792. The writer of this pamphlet acknowleges that the fuppofed conftitution of this country is excellent, but remarks that the idol, which is now fet up for univerfal adoration, is not the constitution de jure, as by the theory of our government it ought to be, but the conflitu tion de facto, with all its imperfections on its head. It is of little import to fociety, (he adds,) whether the evils of government arife from a bad king or a vitiated conflitution; and they are the fame tenets in effect, though cloathed in a different garb, which demand implicit fubmiffion to the one and to the other. The arguments brought to prove that ancestry can bind pofterity to any particular conftitution, that is, to be governed in any particular manner, are thofe of a maniac, or an ideot; as to this country, every repeal in the ftatute-book gives them the lie direct.'

The political interefts of Great Britain, according to this author, require that we should afford military aid to the cause of liberty in France; the establishment and extenfion of freedom abroad being the only fecurity for its prefervation and encouragement at home. France feems at prefent fufficiently able to fight her own battles; and there will probably be no occafion for this nation to deliberate on the great queftion of this pamphlet. Another fubject of deliberation is more likely to come before us--but it is a fubject on which we shall not, it is hoped, long heftate-whether it may not be for the mutual benefit of England and France, (as well as for the general benefit of mankind,) to enter into a national compact for the prefervation of univerfal peace. E. Art. 48. Juftification du Rappel de l'Ambassadeur d'Angleterre en France, et Refutation de tous les Faits et Raifonnements fur les Affaires de France, allegués par M. Briffet, dans la Declaration qu'il a récemment redigée et addreffée par Ordre de l'Aemblée Nationale, aux Puiffances Etrangeres. 8vo. pp. 60. 1s. 6d. Debrett. 1792. A French writer here vindicates the English court, against the cenfure of M. Briffot, for recalling their ambasador from France,

after

after the French king's fufpenfion. It is afferted that, after this event, an English ambaffador had no longer any character, nor any authority to treat either with the National Affembly, nor with the minifters appointed by them. Befide this, various other topics are flightly difcuffed in this pamphlet, such as the inconfistency between the proceedings of the prefent Convention, and the determinations of the Constituent Affembly; the influence of the Jacobins in diffolving the National Affembly, and in establishing the prefent Convention; the diffimilarity between the English revolution in 1688, and the prefent French revolution; the perfection of English liberty; the excellence of monarchical government, &c. The work may ferve to furnish notable materials for a German ftate paper, in vindication of the royal crufade.

Art. 49. A Letter to the Right Hon. Charles James Fox, on the Subject of the Affociation lately formed at the Free Mafons Ta vern. 8vo. PP. 21. 15. Ridgway. 1792

This is a panegyrical rhapfody, the language of which is loaded with extravagant epithets, and laboured into confufion, to no other difcoverable purpofe than to bepraise the champion of oppofition. To keen appetites, and ftrong ftomachs, the coarfest food may be agreeable, provided there be enough of it!

Art. 50. The Birthright of Britons or the British Conftitution; with a Sketch of its Hiftory, and incidental Remarks: in which are traced the Origin of our Liberties, their fucceffive Growth, and Improvements from Magna Charta, the Bill of Rights, &c. and the various Innovations that have been adopted to fubvert the Conftitution, and which account for its prefent Abuses and Defects. 8vo. pp. 138. 2s. 6d. Wayland. 1792.

This is a plain and temperate historical view of the English conftitution; which, though it may furnish no new principles nor facts, yet has the merit of bringing fome important old truths into a narrow compafs, to refute Mr. Paine's denial of our having any conftitution.

It may, (as the author obferves,) be proper to notice the objection of a popular author, who infifts that we have properly no conftitution at all. If, indeed, this term muft neceffarily mean a fyftem of government, conftructed and completed before the exiftence of government itfelf, we have none; but if we have any form of civil government at all-any natural rights, and fundamental laws, on which that government is founded, and by which it is conftituted-thele form our civil conftitution; and to deny it, is to deny our political existence; it making no material difference, whether this conftitution was formed at once, as thofe of America and France, or by a long fucceffion of improvements, incorporating the political wisdom of a dozen centuries. To thefe fundamental maxims our future inquiries fhall be directed; and we will endeavour to produce thofe authentic documents which have been called for, and on which every Briton may lay his finger, and fay, "this is our conflitution.

Rights of Man, Part ii. Chap. 4.'
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In

B. Coronade.

N.

In the course of this deduction, the author gives those diftinguished ftatutes, which we justly confider as the bulwarks of our liberties; to which, calling in the occafional affistance of those refpectable authorities Lord Coke, and Judge Blacktone, he adds many pertinent remarks, well worthy of a reader's confideration. A few incidental paffages may ferve to convey an idea of the writer's manner of treating this highly interesting fubject.

When he remarks the tamenefs of parliament under Henry VIII. and through the reigns of the Stuarts, which admitted royal prodamations, in fome cafes, to operate with legal authority, he adds,

But thefe proclamations (fay Coke and Blackstone +) have then (and then only) a binding force, when they are grounded Jupon and enforce the laws of the realm." In all other cafes they are waste paper, or fomething worfe; for, in many inftances, they tend to raise an alarm rather than compofe it. Such in particular, as were fometimes iffued to ftop the circulation of political pamphlets, under the pretence of their being feditious, have more encreafed that circulation than 100 pounds fpent in advertifing by the book fellers; for fuch is the curiofity of Englishmen, that every one fuppofes there must be fomething very extraordinary in a work that fo far excites the fears of a miniftry as to produce a proclamation.'

When minifters cheer us up occafionally by stating the flourishing improvements of the country, they never, among the articles produced, inftance the rapid extenfion of common fenfe and knowlege, which now pervade and exalt the minds of all ranks of the people, beyond the ability of any earthly power to check. Efforts to fupprefs them only contribute to whet the mental appetite, and to make the relish of knowlege more fweet. If governors, therefore, were truly wife, they would accommodate themselves, with as good a grace as may be, to circumstances as they alter; and, making a virtue of neceffity, would correct their inftitutions and reform their conduct under them, fo as to meet the wishes of the people, inftead of making vain ftruggles against the general will.

The author's obfervations on the execution of Charles I. are not addreffed to refined politicians, but appeal to the common sense of all mankind; and are fuch as, by inference, hold out the pious offices framed for the occafions cited, as nothing less than the burlefque of devotion:

After all, it is as impoffible to justify the death of Charles as his conduct. He was neither tried by the army, the parliament, nor the country; but by a faction of his enemies; and the charge under which he was condemned was not pleading in a court that had no right to try him. His death may therefore be confidered as a murder; but how it should be a martyrdom, or why we, who were then unborn, and our fathers likewife, fhould ftill once a year implore forgiveness for the fact, is what I am unable to account for. Allo that we should ftill annually give thanks to Almighty God for the restoration of a family, which we have long fince de

fervedly exiled, and have even made it a high crime publicly to pray for, is another fact no less extraordinary and unaccountable.'

Treating of the measures purfued by the Houfe of Commons onthis fingular occafion, the author embraces a natural opportunity of adverting to the abolition of what Mr. Paine terms nicknames, in France; and to exprefs the following fentiments on that regulation:

Were the orders of nobility to be now formed, a variety of powerful arguments might be alledged against fuch diftinctions; but thofe arguments have not the fame force when urged against the probable evils of their abolition. A mean, a foolish, or a profligate peer, is a fine fubject for fatire; and too many fuch there are; it must at the fame be confeffed, that we have fome who would be noblemen without their ftars. Should a majority of thefe at any time rife to fuch an elevation of mind, as to despise these diftinctions, or be ashamed of their company, and fo renounce them, it would be a happy day for England. But admitting coronets and their wearers to be as futile and childish, as their bitterest enemies affert, it is certainly better to let children amuse themfelves with toys, than put fwords into their hands, which might deftroy both them and us.'

Granted; provided that they would keep their baubles to themfelves, and not intrude their playgames to difturb those who have more ferious objects to mind!

After fuccefsfully obviating the dangerous inferences drawn by Mr. Burke from the event of the revolution, the author thus expreffes his thoughts on the famous triennial act paffed by Will. III.

This reign, though introduced with fo much joy, was not fo happy as might have been wifhed, or was expected. Whether the king's notions of government were not quite anfwerable to English freedom, or whether he had the ill-luck, which many a good king has met with, to have bad advisers, he did not fall in with fome things that the parliament judged neceffary to preferve the nation's liberties. In particular, at first he refufed his affent to "a bill for the frequent calling and meeting of parliaments," which however paffed in 1694, under the name of the Triennial Bill, and was confidered as a bulwark to our conftitution. This act might have been much improved by the method fince adopted in the American affemblies, of electing one third of the members annually; by which means a majority of the houfe would always be converfant in bufinefs-the people would have frequent opportunities of rejecting thofe whofe conduct they difapproved-the parliament would always be in being-and the butle and confufion of a general election avoided.'

In this decifion we cordially join.

From the whole of his argument, the writer deduces the following conclufion, in which the major part of thinking men will

concur:

The principal grievance under which we labour, and to which all the others may be reduced, is the imperfect and depraved state of Our representation, and there is the more reafon to be alarmed at this from the well-known prediction of the great Montefquieu, that