true model of a true Republican at the head of a nation, which history has recorded. Attend to his speech. Learn every word of it. Teach it to your children. Write it on the portals of your doors; over your fire-places; in every place where it can be constantly catching the eye, and reminding you in what a true Republican consists. Simon Bolivar spake thus to the Representatives of the People of Columbia, when invested for a further period with the office and power of Chief Magistrate: "I AM THE SON OF WAR, THE MAN WHOM BATTLES HAVE RAISED TO THE MAGISTRACY. THIS SWORD will be OF NO USE ON THE DAY OF PEACE; AND THAT SHALL BE THE LAST OF MY POWER, BECAUSE I HAVE SWORN IT WITHIN MYSELF; BECAUSE, I HAVE PROMISED IT TO COLUMBIA;' AND BECAUSE, THERE CAN BE NO REPUBLIC WHEN THE PEOPLE ARE NOT SECURE IN THE EXERCISE OF THEIR OWN POWERS. A MAN LIKE ME IS A DANGEROUS CITIZEN IN A POPULAR GOVERNMENT-IS A DIRECT MENACE TO THE NATIONAL SOVEREIGNTY. I WISH TO BECOME A CITIZEN IN ORDER TO BE FREE, AND THAT ALL MAY BE SO TOO. I PREFER THE TITLE OF CITIZEN TO THAT OF LIBERATOR, BECAUSE THIS EMANATES FROM WAR-THAT FROM THE LAWS." Buonaparte was a fool, a rogue, and a despot when compared with Bolivar. His name will not deserve mention in the same page of history with the latter. The former may be ranked with Alexander, with Tamerlane, and with Jengis Khan, but if Bolivar pursues his present line of conduct through life, he will establish quite a new character, as an example to future generations of men. He will combine the Philosopher with the Patriot, the Philanthropist with the Soldier, and the whole with the Republican, such as no man ever did before him, and will shew us how every character and disposition should yield to that of the virtuous Republican Citizen. As a few days will bring with them the anniversary of the birth of Thomas Paine, and as you will assemble on that day, as far as possible, as a mark of respect to his memory, and gratitude for his writings and actions, I shall take the liberty to insert here such toasts and sentiments as to me seem proper to lead on that occasion: 1. The Memory of Thomas Paine, the Father of true Republicanism, upon the base of the Representative System of Government. 2. The Memories of Washington and Jefferson, and all the past Repablicans of the United States of America, and may the present improve so as to abolish Superstition and Fanaticism in their country, and, particularly, the foul and infamous traffic in Negro Slaves; and be mindful of him who taught, by his pen and example, their fathers, how to obtain and preserve liberty, for their children. 3. Simon Bolivar, and the Republicans of Columbia, may they abolish Priestcraft as well as Kingcraft. 4. Thomas Cochrane, commonly called Lord Cochrane, and Joseph Martin, his companion in arms, with the Re. publicans of Chili and Peru, may they too abolish Priestcraft. 5. Peter Boyer, and the Republicans of the Island of St. Domingo. We despise not their colour, but hail them as brothers. 6. The Republicans of Spain and Portugal, and may they annihilate the last vestige of Kingcraft and Priestcraft. 7. The French Revolution, and may the next be free both of a Robespierre and a Buonaparte. 8. Success to the Greeks, if they fight for the Representative System of Government. 9. Success to the Republicans of the Island of Great Britain, and may the talkers about Reform, advance and avow the only principles that can produce and preserve it. 10. Health, Prosperity, and Happiness to every Republican on the face of the Earth, and may the toast soon apply to every man. 11. May every virtuous Woman prefer a Republican for her husband, and train up her children in a detestation of slavery and may every woman be virtuous. 12. As the human mind is improved by exercise, may every human being learn the importance of free discussion. Such are the toasts and sentiments I would recommend to every assembly of Republicans on the anniversary of the birth of Thomas Paine. I do not say that they should be confined to these, to the exclusion of all others, but certainly, I do think they are such as should take the lead of all others. They display nothing like party or faction, and I would much rather that my own name should never be toasted, than that it should ever form the watchword of party or of faction. I say let us unite, if that union can be effected on sound principles. My hand is open to the hand of every man, who will either avow the principles I avow, or shew me fairly that I am in error as to their tendency. At the present moment it may not be amiss that I address a few words to you upon the character of Thomas Paine. I have no idea that I can add any thing to what has been already said of him, but I may concentrate his general character within a small compass, so as to refresh your memories and give you a full recollection of him whose birth-day. you will shortly meet to celebrate. I am no poet, and as I cannot write an ode, I must do the best I can in prose. Thomas Paine was born on the 29th day of January, in the year of the Carpenter's Wife's Son 1737. Before a century has elapsed from his birth, it appears likely that his principles will have made the tour of Europe, as they have already made the tour of the two continents of America. The divine and omnipotent idolatry of the Christians, as they call their religion, was two centuries making onefourth part of the progress that the principles of Thomas Paine have made within fifty years of their birth, and within eleven years of the death of their author; whilst the latter have made way against a more powerful degree of persecution than the former, or a persecution more calculated to arrest their progress. Every existing institution has attempted to strangle the principles of Thomas Paine in their birth whilst the Christians passed unmolested until they grew so insolent as to defy the administerers of the Roman laws, and to challenge death as a martyrdom, which their frenzied brains were led to believe would procure them eternal happiness, and what they called a crown of glory in the company of their crucified God. The principles of Thomas Paine have been an appeal to the calm and deliberate reason of mankind: the principles of the Christian idolatry an appeal to a fanatic passion, which encouraged a gross ignorance of, and a gross outrage upon the laws of Nature. The former have their foundation in Nature: the latter defy and contemn it, and have no foundation but in an ignorant and brutal fanaticism, which has tended to preserve one of the very worst kinds of barbarism, and which has constantly warred with and endeavoured to crush every thing in the shape or progress of civilization. To come to a closer epitome of the principles of Thomas Paine, I will define them as embracing, in politics, the Representative Systém of Government, with an Elective Magistracy in matters of theology and philosophy, a free discussion on all subjects connected therewith, and a rejection of the gross idolatry of Pagan, Jew, Christian, or Mahometan. He first displayed his political principles, and was the first man who struck an effectual blow at the tyranny of Kingly or Monarchical Despotism. It was such a blow as has kept it reeling to this day, and down it must all fall. It has no chance of recovering its former posture, and again standing firm and daring as heretofore. His pamphlet, entitled "Common Sense," was to Monarchy, what we read in the Jew Books, the smooth stone and sling of David was to the head of Goliath. The simile is good: the British Goliath defied the armies of the American God of Liberty, and our modern David struck him down with a stone gathered from the pure and limpid stream of "Common Sense." He, too, needed not the shield and buckler of the tyrant Saul, but took for his weapon a goose-quill. He had confidence in the goddess Reason, when assisted both by the Mercury and the Minerva of Common Sense. Having emancipated one nation from the thraldom of Kingcraft, he flew to Europe to assist in the emancipation of others. His native country was never absent from his view after he had once tasted the means of giving it Liberty. He crossed back the Atlantic Ocean to revisit his native countrymen, and wrote a volume in which he shewed them the only basis upon which the RIGHTS OF MAN can be established. He did not live to witness the regeneration of his native land, but he died with the satisfaction that he had sown the seed of that regeneration, which the breath of Monarchy could not blast whenever it should shoot forth and blossom to ripeness. In France he suffered much in the cause of liberty and humanity; and it was by mere accident that his blood had not been shed as a sacrifice to,the jealousy and ambition of Robespierre. At this momentous crisis, this apparent last period of his life, he wrote his "Age of Reason," to the great terror of all bigots, and to the illumination of the mind of every free inquirer after truth. It is difficult to distinguish between the comparative importance of his political and his theological writings; but in effect they seem to be equal; in design they have the same object, the improvement, and welfare, and happiness of the human race. His views were not confined to one country: his benevolent and comprehensive mind embraced the whole of mankind. His motives and his manners were ever Republican in the fullest degree of the word. The English Government was too wicked and corrupt to barbour such a man within the pale of its powers. He was outlawed for having written his "Rights of Man." Honourable conduct brings honours on its possessor; and next to the honour of having written the "Rights of Man," may be rated the honour of an expulsion from within the pale of English Laws, and so corrupt a Government. After the revolution was again destroyed in France, and a Military Despotism established, this unceasing advocate of Liberty sought again for shelter in the United States of America, under that Republic which his pen had both produced and fostered. But here he was pursued by the emissaries of the English Government, and his life embittered with a series of neglects, annoyances, and insults. One of the very best friends of man that ever lived suffered in his life-time the greatest ingratitude that was ever heaped upon one man by his fellow men. Because he had never sought after office in the Republic which he had formed, the creatures who had got into power, during his absence in Europe, affected not to know him on his return, and neglected to give him that protection and comfort which he, above all men, eminently deserved at their hands. You, his admirers, of the Island of Great Britain, will not fail to do justice to the memory of your "famous country man," this "Noble of Nature," as Mr. Cobbett calls him. Let your sense of duty overwhelm the ingratitude of the inhabitants of the United States! Cherish his memory, propagate his principles, and, above all things, teach them to your children, and you will not fail to have their blessings to add to the pure reflections of a well-spent life! R. CARLILE. AN ADDRESS Spoken at the Anniversary Dinner, in London, to commemorate the Birth-day of THOMAS PAINE, January 29, 1821. BY J. W. DUNSTONE. Ir e'er bright Muse! thy power has deign'd to shine |