THE TREE OF ENGLAND'S LIBERTY. Suggested by some lines (signed L.) in the Morning Journal of Monday, March 2. By the Author of "The Protestant." IN the Isle of our Fathers long flourished thy tree, O Liberty! planted in gore, When the sword of the Briton proclaimed he was free, As the "wild waves "that visit his shore. And as slowly it grew, with firm hand and bold breast, Their sons in mailed bands round it stood, They repelled the base foe that would fell its proud crest, And watered its root with their blood. And the Lion of England, to guard it with care, That no foe should its precincts invade, Lay stretched at its foot; for he made it his lair, As the children slept under its shade. But our Fathers are gone, and that tree it will fall, If the spirit that nursed it be fled, On their tombs, on their memory, aloud let us call, As the trump that shall waken the dead. Oh call back their spirits, in us let them rise, As we swear Freedom's tree to maintain: Though the storm rive its trunk, nay, though withered it lies, From our blood it shall spring up again. POETRY. TO HUGH STUART BOYD, Esq. SON of reputed JUNIUS, thee I hail! Since in thy works we find congenial fire. JUNIUS unmatch'd could eloquently rail, And public ills with potent force assail, But thou, averse to all vindictive ire, Art fond in learned leisure to retire, Invoking Fancy in the peaceful vale. Though born with kindred pow'rs, such diffrent views Engage thee, with a temper so benign, And such thy love of the high Grecian Muse, Whose beauties in thy vivid pages shine, That thy descent from JUNIUS we refuse, But see Boyd's moral nature glow in thine. SONNET On seeing a Sexton throw a Scull from a Grave. IT is a most humiliating thought, That Man, who deems himself the lord of all, (Alas, why doth he thus himself miscall?) Must one day turn to nought, or worse than nought. Despite of all his glory, he must fall, Like a frail leaf in Autumn, and his power KING, CHURCH, AND CONSTITUTION. Weighs lighter than his breath in his last A SONG. By the Author of "Field Flowers," &c. A GLASS to merry England! where Is he who'd e'er refuse it? If other countries look more fair, A wanderer only found me; "Sweet Home" had flung around me. Call it a dream delusive-still It is a sweet delusion, So fill your glass, to England fill, King, Church, and Constitution! Whate'er in life our station; hour. And thou, Earth's Lord, as fragile as a flower, This is a lesson for thy pride; thy book Should be the charnel; into it once look; When thou hast read it, feed upon the thought, (The most humiliating thought,) that thine, And thou, shall be unto this favour one day brought. Behold, this is "the human face divine." This gentleman is the son of Hugh Boyd, esq. one of the persons who have been mentioned as probable authors of the celebrated Letters of Junius. Mr. Stuart Boyd is the translator of the Agamemnon of Eschylus, and of Select Poems from the Greek, and the author of many original works admired for taste, learning, and poetical spirit. The father was justly esteemed for high intellectual powers and attainments, and for the mildness and benevolence of his character. [ 258 ] HISTORICAL CHRONICLE. PROCEEDINGS IN PARLIAMENT. [In both Houses numerous Petitions were presented, each successive night, from various parts of the United Kingdom, both for and against the CATHOLIC CLAIMS, most of which gave rise to lengthened discussions on this all-engrossing subject; the great majority of the Petitions, however, were against the proposed measures for removing Catholic disabilities.] HOUSE OF COMMONS, Feb. 27. The House having resolved itself into a Committee on the NAVY ESTIMATES, Sir G. Clerk said, that Government were enabled to make a considerable reduction in the expences of the Navy, and he could assure the House that a still further reduction should take place next year. The estimate of the present year was less than that of the last by 117,000l. In the dock-yards there had been a reduction of 5,000l. a year, and a further reduction should take place next year. The Right Hon. Gentleman concluded by moving the first resolution, that 30,000 men, including Marines, be granted for the sea service for 1829. After some discussion, this resolution, as well as those relating to the other estimates, were agreed to. The Chancellor of the Exchequer introduced a Bill to authorize the granting of Annuities by the Commmissioners for reducing the National Debt, on such terms as may be set down in tables to be kept for that purpose by the Lords of the Treasury. The Bill was read a first time. HOUSE OF LORDS, March 2. The Bishop of Bath and Wells, in presenting a Petition against the CATHOLIC CLAIMS, urged the danger that would attend the concession of those Claims. The Right Rev. Prelate said that, as a Peer of that House, he had taken an oath, with which the granting of the Catholic claims appeared to him to be incompatible. "That oath," said he, in conclusion, "I will keep, come what may, so help me God!"-The Duke of Wellington assured the Right Rev. Prelate that he was disposed to be as attentive to the terms of that oath as the Right Rev. Prelate, or any Peer of that House; and he could further assure him, that whenever that Bill, which was to be brought into the other House of Parliament, came to their Lordships, the Right Rev. Prelate would find he might give it his support without the slightest departure from that oath, which he was bound to maintain sacred. In the COMMONS, the same day, the House having resolved into a Committee of SUPPLY, Mr. Perceval moved the ORDNANCE ESTIMATES for the ensuing year, in doing which he endeavoured satisfactorily to account for the increase that must now necessarily occur. The increase on the votes for Ordnance services in the present year amounted to 123,8971. The sum last year was 1,597, 1967., and the vote called for this year would be 1,723,0931. The first resolution he submitted was, that a sum not exceeding 70,2441. be granted to his Majesty to defray the expenses of the salaries of the MasterGeneral, the Lieutenant-General, and the rest of the principal officers of the Ordnance for the year 1829. After some discussion, in which Mr. Hume and Mr. Maberly bore a part, this resolution, as well as the other Ordnance estimates, were severally agreed to. HOUSE OF COMMONS, March 5. Mr. Secretary Peel brought forward his Motion for taking into consideration the recommendation contained in the King's speech for removing CATHOLIC DISABILITIES. The galleries and all the passages leading to the House were crowded to excess. After the call of the House had taken place, Mr. Peel rose, amidst deafening clamours, and delivered an eloquent address, which occupied four hours; of which the following is a brief analysis: "Sir, I rise to call the attention of the Members of this House to that part of his Majesty's Speech relating to the state of Ireland, and to vindicate the advice which was given to his Majesty upon that subject, and to submit to the consideration of the Members of this House those measures by which his Majesty's Government propose to attempt to justify that recommendation.In bringing forward the motion, I feel that I have fulfilled the obligations of that solemn oath which I have taken to his Majesty, as a Minister of the Crown, "that all his Ministers should declare their opinion to the best of their judgment." I have been asked what new light had broken in on me to induce opinions different to those expressed by me in 1825. I say in answer to that, that the position of the affairs of the kingdom in 1829 is very different to what it was at the former period, and it is not because that state of things was then in existence, that they should remain so for ever. Is it because the Parliament has been divided for five years, that it should also be divided for six? It is in the power of this House to prevent the existence of such evils. The question is, what ought to be done? There are but two courses either to recede or advance. My opinion 1829.] Proceedings in the present Session of Parliament. 259 ing employed, but not in the highest station, as Commander-in-Chief, which it was not intended they should be eligible to. He would propose that they should not be eli is that we should advance. I will ask any gentleman to look to the Government of the country during the last thirty-five years, which has been divided; that division solely arising from the state of the Catholic Ques-gible to the office of Lord Lieutenant of tion. I would ask, what has been the effect of that division of the Cabinet? It must have been to weaken the hands of the Government. It is now for the House to say what shall be done to settle this momentous question, the Ministers of the Crown having come forward with their proposition for a settlement, the principle having been already sanctioned by repeated majorities of that House. During the last thirty-five years tranquillity has been a stranger to the land, and in consequence it was found necessary more than once to repeal the Habeas Corpus Act. All the evils which had afflicted Ireland, arose from the indisposition to settle this question. Now was the proper time, and he trusted the adjustment would be final. The principle of the measure of concession, which he was about to propose, had been determined upon long before the meeting of Parliament. The principle was the abolition of civil disabilities, and the placing the Roman Catholics upon an equality with their Protestant fellow-subjects. In bringing about this desirable object, the maintenance of the Protestant religion would be the chief object-its doctrines would be respected, and its privivileges secured. As to the laws affecting the Roman Catholics, the first step to conciliation he proposed was to repeal the whole of the laws affecting landed property, and thus place Roman Catholics on an equality with Protestants in that respect. The next question was as to the political power. He would, therefore, propose in the Bill, that Roman Catholics, and Members returned to Parliament, should be qualified to sit in this and the other House of Parliament, and placed on the same footing with Protestant Members. The Hon. Gentleman then read the oath which he proposed to substitute for those now taken by Protestant Members upon their admission, which he thought would be a great relief to the Roman Catholics, and would completely satisfy the Protestants. He meant to repeal the declaration against transubstantiation. He would propose to retain the ancient oath of supremacy taken by Protestants, and he hoped the time would arrive when there would be no necessity for making any distinctions. In order to satisfy the minds of the Protestants, he meant to provide a test for the Roman Catholics to take instead of the oath of supremacy-in fact, he intended to incorporate the oath of allegiance and abjuration with it. He meant to propose, that Roman Ca tholics should be admitted to corporate offices in Ireland, and generally to offices connected with the administration of justice in that kingdom. With respect to Military Officers, at present they were capable of be Ireland, to be Lord High Chancellor, Lord Keeper of the Seal, either in Great Britain or Ireland. He also meant to provide, that Roman Catholics should not be allowed to fill any office in the Church, in the Courts of Appeal, in any of the Universities, or Colleges belonging to those Universities, neither in the Colleges of Eton, the School of Westminster, or any other public School. His object was, that, in admitting Roman Catholics to power, every thing necessary for securing the Protestant Establishment should be provided, and nothing be conceded which would in the least degree invade the principles of the Established Church. It could not be denied that he had now gone far to satisfy the wishes of the Roman Catholics; and therefore he ought to ask for corresponding dispositions on the part of the Roman Catholics. Whatever restrictions were imposed, he meant them equally to apply to other of the King's subjects. He alluded to the elective franchise. Since the question of the franchise was discussed in the year 1825, it was impossible to deny that important events had occurred. It was in vain to deny that the influence of the Irish landlords over the forty-shilling freeholders was great; but beyond that there was another influence even more dangerous-he alluded to the influence of the priests, who had deprived the landlords in a great measure of their authority. It was a practice in Ireland to make freeholders for a certain number of years, and, in truth, there was no opportunity of checking the numbers. He would propose, to remedy that evil, that a day should be fixed for registering the ten-pound freeholders, and that they should be free to vote six months after the register is made. There now remained another and an important branch, namely, as to ecclesiastical securities. The great question was-in what light it would be proper to consider the Church of Rome-whether to cherish it, or to leave it in the same way as other Dissenters. The incorporation of that Church with the State would be inconsistent. He, therefore, should not propose any securities in respect of the Romish Church, but would leave it on the footing of dissent. After the measure had passed, then the Government would be enabled to take any securities. It was proposed that when the Roman Catholics were admitted to any of the corporate offices, they should not, under any circumstances, be allowed to take the insignia of office to any other place than the Established Church. He should propose that episcopal titles, which were constantly assumed, and which the House would agree with him improperly assumed, should not be assumed by 260 Proceedings in the Present Session of Parliament, the clerical members of the Roman Catholic religion. (This announcement produced considerable sensation in the House.) There was also another point of very great importance. He alluded to an Order which had great influence on the Roman Catholic body -the Order of Jesuits. It was requisite that their numbers and names should be registered. The Right Hon. gentleman stated that he should move a resolution in the Committee, upon which a Bill would be framed, and then he should move for a separate Bill to regulate the elective franchise. He concluded with entreating the House calmly, coolly, and dispassionately to consider the subject to receive it in the manner in which he had brought it forward-in the true spirit of peace; and he trusted that a safe and satisfactory settlement would be made." Mr. Bankes said this was a day of triumph for the Catholic Association, and for those who wished for the downfall of the Protestant Establishment. It was to the misgovernment of the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Peel) and his colleagues, that the country was indebted for the attitude which the Association had assumed. Government had admitted the mischief of the Association, yet it was most evident that they had not resorted to the proper means of putting it down. He would ask, since the Catholics were able to effect so much out of that House, could not a combination of the members of the Catholic persuasion carry any point within those walls? With regard to the forty-shilling freeholders, he looked upon the proposed measure as an act of fiagrant injustice. But he would rest upon this-that the Irish Protestant establishment could not stand, if Irish Catholics were allowed the advantages which this Bill proposed to give them.-Mr. O'Neill, and Mr. Trant, opposed the motion. Sir R. Inglis thus concluded his speech: "If once the Legislature were blind enough to admit a Catholic within the bar of that House, from that moment the Institutions of the country would begin to totter; such innovations would ultimately overthrow these Institutions; and they must realize all the anticipations formed of them by the Right Hon. Gentleman himself, and by the country at large, and which, it was still hoped, would be understood and appreciated by the highest quarter in the empire.”—Sir G. Murray and Lord Millon supported the motion.The Debate was adjourned. March 6. The debate on Mr. Peel's resolutions was resumed. Mr. C. Grant said that he gloried in the magnificent work which had been at length achieved, and expressed his belief that the day when the Bill should obtain the Royal Assent would ever be remembered in Ireland-that it would be remembered in their solemn meetings, and in [March, their hours of conviviality, not as the signal of disunion and discord, but as the pledge and rallying point of tranquillity and obedience on the one hand, and of kindness and protection on the other.-Mr. V. Stuart gave his most cordial support to a measure which was so wisely, so largely, so liberally made; and considered the securities such that no Catholic could, and no reasonable Protestant ought, to object to them.-Mr. Liddell warmly approved the measure.—Mr. Brougham expressed his approbation of the measure as a whole, though he certainly objected to the disfranchisement of the fortyshilling freeholders. The measure, said the Hon. and Learned Member, goes the full length that any reasonable man ever did, or ever can demand; it does equal justice to His Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects; it puts an end to all religious distinctions; it exterminates all civil disqualifications on account of religious belief. It is simple and efficacious; clogged with no exceptions, unless such as even the most zealous of the Catholics themselves must admit to be of necessity parcel of the measure. With this general feeling, he would not take upon himself the awful responsibility of saying to Ireland, "your last chance of peace, of tranquillity, and of safety is gone; for these two measures are inseparably connected together, and I will vote against one of them." No; he would shrink from such a responsibility, and was willing to pay the price of the inestimable good. He would give his entire and unqualified approbation to the measures of the Right Hon. Gentleman.-Mr. F. Clinton did not believe that the measures would tranquillize Ireland, and was satisfied that they would break in upon the settlement made at the Revolution in 1688.-Mr. North looked upon the measure as calculated to confirm and establish all our great national interests. The Earl of Uxbridge was not satisfied with the reasons given by Mr. Peel for his change of opinion, and should oppose the measure-The Marquess of Blandford said, he was one of those who could not blind their senses to the appalling but not less incontrovertible fact, drawn from the experience of near three hundred years, that national calamity and misfortune have invariably followed the introduction of Popish influence; and utterly regardless whether, for such an avowal, men called him factious or intolerant, bigot, fool, or knave, all his ancient and old-fashioned prejudices against the admission of Roman Catholics to civil and political power remained unchanged and unchangeable as the principles of the religion themselves profess. Mr. Estcourt considered the measures of Ministers as innovations upon the Constitution, to which he never would give his sanction.-Sir T. Lethbridge said, he had always opposed the claims of the Catholics; but at the same time had hinted that a period might arrive when it would become the duty of the 1829.] Proceedings in the present Session of Parliament. three Estates of the kingdom to take into their serious deliberation some means of settling the so long agitated question. He thought that time was now coine, as he saw no other way by which Government could hope to relieve themselves from the difficulties of their present situation. With this feeling he felt it his duty to support Ministers; and would do so in despite of all which might be said against them, when they attempted to bring to a satisfactory settlement those questions which was become imperative upon them to submit to the wisdom and to the decision of Parliament.-Col. Sib thorpe said, he had heard nothing which could justify this inversion of the Constitution, or that political apostacy in those who supported it.-Sir J. Newport was convinced that the measure would give equivocal satisfaction in Ireland, and though he objected to the disfranchisement of the forty-shilling freeholders, all other objects became secondary and inferior in consideration of the paramount object of the safety of the country; and therefore he would assent to the measure of the elective franchise, though he considered he was purchasing that safety at a considerable price.-Mr. Huskisson considered the disfranchising the forty-shilling free holders as a measure of positive injustice, but would not, by resisting it, embarrass or impede the success of the other greater and more important measure.-Sir F. Burdett, Sir H. Vivian, and Mr. Portman, spoke in support of the measure; while Mr. Dickinson, Mr. Batley, Col. Peel, Mr. Duncombe, Lord Corry, Mr. Hart Davis, Mr. B. Cooper, and Mr. C. Pelham opposed it. When Mr. Peel had replied, the House divided, when the numbers were, for Mr. Peel's Resolution, 348; against it 160-majority 188. The resolution was then agreed to for the Removal of Roman Catholic disabilities. 261 fication of electors for knights of the shire in Ireland, arising from 40s. freeholds, should be repealed. Both Bills were ordered to be read a second time on Tuesday, the 17th. HOUSE OF LORDS, March 12. The MARINE MUTINY BILL and the ExCHEQUER BILLS BILL were read a second time, and ordered to be committed. In the HOUSE OF COMMONS, the same day, Mr. Davenport obtained leave to bring in a Bill to extend the power of summary couvictions, in some cases of juvenile offenders, guilty of larceny.-Mr. Warburton moved for leave to bring in a Bill to legalize the procuring of SUBJECTS FOR ANATOMY. He observed that the objects of the measure which he intended to propose were-1st, to permit Schools for Anatomy to be kept in all cities where there were Universities; also some other populous towns; 2dly, to facilitate a supply of subjects for the practice of dissection. What he would propose would be, that should be lawful for overseers of parishes, and the governors of hospitals, to give up for dissection the bodies of all persons who should die in their respective establishments, if not claimed by their friends before a limited period.—Mr. Peel thought there was an absolute necessity that there should be bodies used for dissection, and it followed that the Legislature should interfere and secure such supply with the least possible outrage to the feelings of the people. The late atrocities shewed how necessary it was that the Legislature should interfere.The Bill was read a first time. The House having resolved itself into a Committee on the several Acts regulating the growth of Tobacco in England and Ireland, it was resolved that these laws should be assimilated, and that the further growth of Tobacco be prohibited in Ireland.-A Bill was accordingly ordered to be brought in. HOUSE OF COMMONS, March 16. Mr. Peel obtained leave to bring in a Bill for suspending the MILITIA BALLOT during the time the active services of that body were not required-and to make a reduction in the Militia Staff, by dispensing with the services of the paymaster and surgeon-so that the Staff of the Militia on permanent pay would in future be an adjutant, a serjeant-major, and, in regiments comprising two battalions, a drum-major. Mr. Peel mentioned, that of 325 officers who would be reduced by the present Bill, 237 were to receive an allowance; and if the remaining 88 were not to receive it, it was because they were not considered to be entitled to it. The saving effected by this reduction would be 65,000l. a year; and the saving, by dispensing with the Ballot, an additional 24,000l. Mr. Peel |