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1829.]

Proceedings in the present Session of Parliament.

enough to remember the rebellion in 1798.
I was not employed in Ireland at the time-
I was employed in another part of the domi-
nions; but, my Lords, if I am not mis-
taken, the Parliament of Ireland at that time
walked up to my Lord Lieutenant with a
unanimous address, beseeching his Excel-
lency to take every means to put down that
unnatural rebellion, and promising their full
support in order to carry that measure into
execution. The Lord Lieutenant did take
those measures, and did succeed in putting
down that rebellion. Well, my Lords, what
happened in the very next Session? The
Government proposed to put an end to the
Parliament, and to form a Legislative Union
between the two Kingdoms, for the princi-
pal purpose of proposing this very measure;
and, in point of fact, the very first measure
that was proposed after this Legislative
Union, after those successful endeavours to
put down this rebellion, was the very mea
sure with which I am now about to trouble
your Lordships. His Grace here argued,
as a proof of the measure being desirable,
that all the leading Protestants of Ireland
were favourable to it; and he passed a high
eulogium on the Clergy of the Established
Church in that country, than whom there
did not exist, in his opinion, a more exem
plary, a more pious, and more learned set of
men. Having thus shown the necessity for
some change in the system of Government,
I shall now proceed briefly to state the ge-
neral provisions of the Bill. The Bill itself
is very specific and comprehensive. It con-
cedes to the Roman Catholics every office of
the State unconnected with the administra-
tion of the affairs of the Church. It also
concedes to them Seats in Parliament, and
many other offices and situations from which
they had formerly been altogether debarred.
By the proposed law, they are not required
to take the oath of supremacy; but an oath
of allegiance had been framed, in which a
great part of the oath of supremacy has
been retained, and which will answer suffi-
ciently that particular purpose. Many in
this House, as well as throughout the coun
try-and I confess I was of that opinion my-
self-have contended that the State ought
to have some security for the Protestant
Church against the encroachments of the
Catholic Clergy; but I confess, on examin-
ing the question, and looking more minutely
than before at the foundation on which the
security of the Church and State rests, I
could find no security which would be satis-
factory. The Bill, I think, my Lords, as it
stands, affords more security than any that
could have been received either from the
Catholic Clergy or a Foreign Potentate.
The King has sworn to preserve the Pro-
testant Church, the Bishops and Clergy,
and every thing belonging to them. Now,
how could he appoint a Catholic Bishop

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without giving him a diocese? There could be no doubt that, after the Roman Catholics had been put on the same footing with their Protestant fellow-subjects, they would have no separate interests, and could, therefore, have no grounds for confirming the suspicions which were entertained against them. If, however, we should be disappointed of the hopes of tranquillity, and attempts to create dissatisfaction should be renewed, I will without delay come down to lay the state of affairs before Parliament, in order to enable the Government to meet the danger.

The Archbishop of Canterbury said he always opposed with great pain any measure brought forward by Government; but it was with still greater pain that he now rose to oppose a Government whose measures he generally approved, and for whom he had the highest respect. But he could not bring his mind to believe that this measure would be productive of tranquillity to Ireland, or allay the animosities which prevailed there. The constitution of the country he considered was essentially Protestant; but if this 'measure were carried into effect it would cease to be so. The Archbishop concluded with moving, as an amendment, that the Bill be read a second time this day six months. The Primate of Ireland said the Bill removed all efficient securities, and would not make friends of those for whose good it was intended.-The Bishop of Oxford supported the Bill. The Rev. Prelate said, I think it convenient to grant concession, for I hold it to be a just proposition that whatever action is not sinful may be granted upon the principle of expediency.The Bishop of Salisbury expressed his continued and decided opposition to the measure. His Lordship at the same time stated his desire to support His Majesty's Ministers if he could, and expressed the great pain which he experienced in differing from them, as he felt in conscience bound to do, upon this question. The Earl of Winchelsea said it was evident, by the number of petitions, that the measure was a most odious one in the eyes of the public.-Lord Somers maintained that the removal of the Catholic disabilities would deprive the Protestants of nothing, and would do nothing to injure their religion. The Earl of Harewood opposed the Bill.-The Marquis of Lansdowne contended that a power had arisen in Ireland, which could not be put down but by concession. The Catholics possessed political power; and it was the object of the Bill to bring that power within one that was regular and salutary-the Protestant power, and thereby produce tranquillity.-The Bishop of London opposed the Bill; as did also the Marquis of Salisbury.-Viscount Wicklow spoke in support of the measure; "and the Earl of Enniskillen against it.-Calls for

358 Proceedings in the Present Session of Parliament,

an adjournment then took place, and their Lordships adjourned to the following day.

April 3. The Order of the Day being read for resuming the debate on the second reading of the CATHOLIC RELIEF BILL, the Archbishop of York said, that however anxious he might be to concur in any act of grace towards his Roman Catholic fellow subjects-with many of whom he had the happiness to live in the habits of intimacy in his own immediate neighbourhood, and men more to be valued for honour, integrity, and all the social and domestic virtues, he had never known-yet, as there were not, in his opinion, any provisions in the Bill for the efficient protection of the Protestant Church, he must oppose it. It was not from the Roman Catholics generally in this Country, or particularly from their aristocracy, that he apprehended any danger to the Establishment; but in Ireland the authority of the priests over an ignorant and superstitious people was unlimited, and they must be expected to exert it, in order to effect their natural object-the restoration of their own Church.-They had a powerful instrument in their hands, and the whole of their past conduct, no less than the express declarations of several of their own body, proved that they would not fail to employ it. Under these impressions, and confident that the measure will be attended with danger to the Church of England, he felt bound as a Christian Bishop to oppose it. It was painful to him to oppose the Government of the noble Duke, for whom, as a Minister, he entertained the highest respect. It was the first instance of his doing so, and he hoped it would be the last.-The Bishop of Durham expressed his regret that he should feel it incumbent upon him to oppose his Majesty's Ministers upon any great subject of State policy; but having taken a solemn path to protect the Protestant Constitution in Church and State-for which oath he was answerable to a higher tribunal than their Lordships-he never could be instrumental in uniting a pure with an idolatrous religion. The Duke of Sussex advocated the measure at some length. His Royal Highness maintained that the present measure was not a violation of the Constitution of 1688, in which His Royal Highness saw nothing to prevent Catholics from becoming Members of the Legislature, nor from being admitted into other civil offices.-The Lord Chancellor said he had duly considered the tenor of the oath which he had taken when appointed to his office, and the result was, his firm conviction that it was his bounden duty to recommend the present measure to the Throne, as the best mode to promote the stability of the Empire. His Lordship took an elaborate review of the Constitution of 1688, and maintained that the present measure was in no respect a violation of it,

[April,

as it only required that the King and Queen should be Protestants, and not that Catholics should be excluded from political power; for Roman Catholics sat in both Houses of Parliament for a century after the Revolution-no other oaths being required of them than the oaths of supremacy, which the Catholics did not decline to take in those days.-The Earl of Falmouth said that in his opinion the Bill was not one calculated to tranquillize Ireland. If the measure was an experimental one, it would be dangerous in the extreme.-Lord Goderich was anxious to declare that in his conscience he believed the measure was indispensably necessary for the safety and tranquillity of Ireland.-The Earl of Mansfield was entirely opposed to the Bill, and would never consent to agree to any one of its provisions.-The Marquis of Anglesey gave his most cordial support to the Bill. He said that one objection urged against the Bill was, that it would endanger the Protestant Establishment in Ireland. So far from entertaining any apprehensions of this kind, he felt confident that it would do more to support the Protestant Church in Ireland than all the enactments which, up to the present day, had been introduced with a view to that object. Under the present system, and in time of peace, 25,000 men were necessary to maintain any thing like tranquillity in Ireland. In the event of war, 70,000 men would scarcely be sufficient to garrison Ireland. But suppose this Bill passed next week, and that war was declared the day after, there would not be the least difficulty in raising 50,000 able-bodied men in the course of six weeks in Ireland, ready to march to any point in which their services might be required. The passing of this Bill would be worth more to the British Empire than 100,000 men.

April 4. The House met this day at one o'clock, pursuant to adjournment; and, on the Duke of Wellington moving the Order of the Day, the Earl of Guilford rose, and opposed the measure as uncalled for and unnecessary, tending to dissolve those laws made by our ancestors for the protection of the Protestant Church.-Lord Lilford contended for the necessity of the measure, and trusted that the beneficial effects which would be derived from it, if not immediately visible, would pave the way for the tranquillity of the country.-The Earl of Westmoreland was satisfied that, so far from adding to the power of the Catholics, the passing of the Bill would tend to lessen it; it would also set at rest the animosities that have so long existed in Ireland; it would disarm faction, and put an end to all the grievances of which they complained. Whatever might be thought of the change in his sentiments, he should vote for the measure. -Lord Sidmouth would never consent to the destruction of that Constitution which

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1829.]

Proceedings in the Present Session of Parliament.

the wisdom of their ancestors had handed
down to them; he would oppose the Bill as
one fraught with the most mischievous ten-
dency. The Earl of Liverpool considered
that concession would place the Protestant
Church of Ireland upon a firmer basis than
that on which it now stood; and, with re-
pect to the Established Church of England,
he thought it too firmly fixed ever to be
rooted out of the country.-Lord Tenterden
could not help contemplating, in the mea-
sure before the House, the downfall of the
Protestant Church, and could not persuade
himself that it would afford any relief to the
inhabitants of Ireland. He thought it would
tend rather to increase that spirit of turbu-
lence and opposition which has so long ex-
isted. Firmly impressed with this convic-
tion, his vote would be against the Bill-
Earl Grey said, it was matter of great satis-
faction to him that he had lived to share in
the glory of this measure, so long unsuc-
cessfully contended for by the greatest cha-
racters this Country ever produced, though
coming, as it now did, in the eleventh hour;
and that he had ever given it his honest and
sincere support would be, to the latest mo-
ment of his existence, a subject of proud
and grateful recollection.-The Earl of El-
don strongly opposed the measure. He
stated that he had given his assent in 1791
to relieve the Roman Catholics of Ireland
from the Penal Statutes, because he consi-
dered those Penal Statutes only justifiable
as they were necessary to support the Con-
stitution; and he had assented to the Act
of 1793, which opened the elective franchise
to the Roman Catholics of Ireland: again,
in 1817, he had given his vote for the Act
which opened offices of military rank to Ro-
man Catholics; but he had always objected,
and did still object, to extending political
power, seats in Parliament, and offices under
the Crown, to Roman Catholics. If the
safety and honour of this Protestant King
dom were to be preserved, it could only be
so by a Protestant King, a Protestant House
of Peers, a Protestant House of Commons,
and Protestant Officers of the Crown.
tholics acknowledged no other supreme head
but the Pope; neither would they do so if
they were admitted to all the power pro-
posed to be given them by this Bill. He
could never give his consent to the measure.

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Lord Plunkett expressed his decided approbation of the Bill.-The Earl of Farnham opposed it.-After the Duke of Wellington had replied, the House came to a division, when there appeared for the Second Reading,-Present 147, Proxies 70, 217; Against it, Present 79, Proxies 83, 112; Majority 105.

April 6. The Duke of Wellington moved the second reading of the IRISH FREEHOLDZRS' DISFRANCHISEMENT BILL, and pointed out the great inconvenience which had been

359

experienced since the granting of elective franchise to the 40s. freeholders in Ireland. Lord Redesdale, Lord Farnham, Lord Manners, the Marquis of Bute, Lord Rosebery, the Earl of Mountcashel, Lord Holland, the Earl of Enniskillen, the Duke of Hamilton, the Earl of Longford, the Earl of Haddington, and Earl Dudley, supported the Bill; which was opposed by the Duke of Richmond, the Marquis of Clanricarde, the Earl of Malmesbury, and the Earl of Winchelsea. On a division the numbers were, for the second reading, 139; for the amendment, 17; majority for the second reading,

122.

April 7. The Duke of Wellington moved the Order of the Day, for going into a Committee on the Emancipation Bill. Some discussion arose previous to going into Committee. The first clause, which respects the oaths to be taken by Roman Catholics elected to Parliament and taking office, led to some discussion. Some amendments were proposed to make the oath more binding, upon which a division took placeContents 135-Non-contents, 63.

April 8. The Duke of Wellington moved that the ROMAN CATHOLIC RELIEF BILL be re-committed. On the remaining clauses being read, several were objected to by Lord Kenyon, Lord Tenterden, and other Peers, but all the amendments proposed were negatived; after which the Report was received.

April 10. The Duke of Wellington moved the third reading of the ROMAN CATHOLIC RELIEF BILL. The Marquis of Camden and Lord Grenville spoke in support of the measure. Lord Eldon repeated his objections, and implored the House not to pass a Bill so contrary to the spirit of the constitution. The Earl of Harrowby, the Duke of Athol, the Bishop of Lichfield, and Lord Middleton, spoke in approbation of the Bill. The Dukes of Cumberland and Newcastle, the Bishop of Bath and Wells, Lords Roden, Abingdon, Falmouth, and Redesdale, opposed the third reading; and the Duke of Sussex, the Marquis of Lansdowne, and Lord Holland, supported it. The Duke of Wellington expressed his firm conviction that the result of the measure would tranquillize the whole country. His Grace regretted that the introduction of the Bill had lost him the confidence of an illustrious personage (the Duke of Cumberland) and some noble lords whom he sincerely respected; but he had the consolation of feeling that in all he said, and in all he did, he had not acted or said a word which he had not considered as a paramount duty. Their Lordships then divided, when the numbers were-Content, present, 149; proxies, 64; total 213. Not Content, present, 76; proxies, 33; total, 109. Majority, 104.-The Bill was then read the third time, and passed.

360

Proceedings in Parliament.-Foreign News,

The IRISH FREEHOLDERS QUALIFICATION BILL was read the third time, and passed, without a division.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, April 13. Mr. Fyler brought forward a motion for the appointment of a select committee to in quire into the state of the SILK TRADE. The honourable gentleman made a very able speech on the occasion, in the course of which he explicitly stated the manifold hardships and distress under which that valuable portion of our commercial interests at present labours, and adduced numerous facts of the rapid decrease of the Silk Trade since the introduction of foreign silks was permitted. The motion was seconded by Mr. Robinson, -Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald, as President of the Board of Trade, made a statement of the whole of the circumstances attendant upon this important question. Among other causes of the present distressed state of the silk trade, he stated, that the vast, almost incredible extent, to which over-trading had even within the last five years been carried, was decidedly the principal of those which had produced the present deplorable effect, which no man more sincerely deplored than himself. Smuggling, he also showed to be in a great degree instrumental in the present disadvanteres experienced by the fair trader. After takin a general view of the whole question, the right honourable gentleman submitted the following propositions to the House, as the heads of the measure intended to be adopted by Government. It is proposed to reduce the duty on fine silk from 5s, to 3s. 6d.; on tram silk to reduce the duty to 2s.; on singles to 1s. 6d.; to limit the ports for importation to London, Dover, and some port in Ireland; and for the better prevention of smuggling, to give greater rewards to seizing officers. The duty on French silks to be 25 per cent. at an ad valorem as well as a rateage duty. After a few observations from Mr. Baring, Mr. Sadler, and Mr. Huskisson, the House adjourned.

April 14. In moving the Order of the Day on the SILK TRADE, Mr. Hume advocated the principles of free trade.-Mr. C. Grant and Mr. Courtenay defended the present system from the charge of having led to the existing distress.-Several other Members addressed the House on the question; and, after a reply from Mr. Fyler, a

[April,

division took place:-For a Committee of Inquiry 31; Against it 149; Majority 118, The House then went into a Committee, on Mr. V. Fitzgerald's Resolutions, which were agreed to.

On the motion of Mr. S. Wortley, the SALE OF GAME BILL was read the third time, and passed.

April 15. Mr. Peel brought in a Bill for regulating the POLICE OF THE METROPOLIS and its vicinity, The Right Hon. Gentleman stated, that the number of criminal charges in London were 1 to 383, the number in the country only 1 to 822. The increase of crime had been about 40 per cent, since 1821, while the increase of population has only been about 15 per cent. The enormous number of charges in the metropolis very forcibly demonstrate the inefficiency of the machinery for the prevention of crime. This inefficiency Mr. Peel attributed chiefly to the circumstance of the watch being under the sole control of the parochial authorities, and appointed by them. In St. Pancras there were no less than eighteen different corps, every one independent of the rest; in Lambeth there are also several independent corps under different trusts; Kensington, a district sixteen miles in circumference, has only three constables and three headboroughs; in the parish of Tottenham, where, during a period of only six weeks, sixteen burglaries were perpetrated and three attempted, there are no regular constables at all; in Fulham, and many, other parishes in the suburbs, there are no constables, and no regular police; in Deptford, with the dock-yards, and all the other facilities to crime, there is not a single regu-, Jar watchman. The plan proposed was to establish a central board, under the immediate direction of the Secretary of State, and to place, ultimately, the whole watching and patrolling of the metropolitan district under its superintendence.

April 16. The Chancellor of the Exchequer obtained leave to bring in a Bill to enable the Government to sell the City Ca-. nal. The Spanish Claims Bill and the Assessed Taxes Bill were read the third time, and passed. The Silk Duties Bill was read the first time.

The House then adjourned to Tuesday the 28th inst.

FOREIGN NEW S.

FRANCE.

The French ministry have withdrawn, by an ordinance from the king, the Departmental Law, which had been previously carried in favour of government by a majority of twenty-eight. This measure excited the opposition of the two violent parties, the

Ultras and the Liberals, the one viewing it as increasing popular privileges, the other considering it as but a partial concession to the people. The object proposed by the law was to form, on the principle of popular election, councils in the several departments, who would be empowered to impose local

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burthens and direct improvements. These councils were to have been returned by the public voice. The Ultras oppose the principle altogether, and the Liberals require an extension of the franchise; between both, the ministry have felt it necessary to withdraw their projet, which, it was expected, would have been discussed in detail.

The French papers are almost filled with the debates of the Chamber of Deputies, on the report of seventy-two petitions for relief, signed by 60,000 proprietors of vineyards, who represent the wine trade of that country as in the most deplorable state. The gradual abolition of the duties on domestic consumption is the remedy suggested. SPAIN.

On the 21st March, an earthquake of a most awful description, attended with great loss of life, took place in the province of Murcia. It was accompanied with a subterraneous noise, resembling that of several divisions of cavalry put to flight and followed by their camp trains. The shocks and oscillations were so strong that all the

bells of the churches sounded of themselves. Several individuals who happened to be in balconies at the time were precipitated into the street. From half-past six in the evening till six o'clock next morning, 48 shocks were counted; the first was the strongest, which lasted two seconds. Four craters opened, two of which threw out lava, and the others exhalations so foetid that they were felt at more than the distance of a league. At Buzot the mineral waters disappeared, and burst forth again at more than two leagues distance from the town. The river Segura has changed its bed, and now joins the sea by a new channel. The craters which have opened on the spot where Torre-Vieja formerly stood, throw out, from different apertures, torrents of putrid water. The confusion, the cries, and the tears of the inhabitants, who ran through the streets without knowing where to direct their steps, formed an appalling scene. The greater part who escaped encamped in the fields. Numbers of dead bodies were taken out from beneath the ruins of Almoradi. The King, who has been much affected at the catastrophe, has ordered that the produce of the revenues of Murcia shall be laid aside for the succour of the families who have been ruined by this dreadful event.

GERMANY.

The Prussian State Gazette of the 18th of April contains most afflicting accounts of the distresses occasioned on the banks of the Vistula, by the breaking up of the Dikes on the 9th, which had inundated the country for the length of 25 miles! devastating vast and luxuriant plains, on which cattle were fed; and involving houses and GENT. MAG. April, 1829.

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361

inhabitants, animals, &c. in one common ruin. So far as the accounts of the damage could be collected, for the waters had not subsided, 50 villages had been inundated, the inhabitants being compelled to ascend, in order to escape the torrent, to the roofs of their dwellings, or to the tops of the steeples of the churches. It is expected that of from 8 to 10,000 head of cattle and 4 or 5000 houses, not one tenth is saved. ITALY.

Cardinal Castiglione was declared Pope on the 31st of March, and he has assumed the name of Pius VIII. He was elected after thirty-six days sitting of the Congress; and out of fifty votes he obtained forty-six. He is 68 years of age.

A tumult has been caused in the university of Turin by the removal of the Professor following measures:-first, the seminary has of Moral Theology, which has led to the been shut up and the pupils dismissed indefinitely: secondly, the Professorship of Modern Theology has been provisionally suppressed; thirdly, the dismissed Profes sor has received the advice to take a journey out of his Majesty's dominions.

PERSIA.

A fatal broil lately occurred in the Persian capital of Teheran, between the populace and the suite of the Russian Minister, M. Gribodijidoff; which terminated in the massacre of the Minister and nearly all his suite and guard.

AFRICA.

The Gazette of April 18, contains an account of a gallant action off the coast of Africa, in which the Black Joke, Lieut. Downes, a British tender, of only two guns and 55 men, captured the Almirante, a Spanish slave vessel, of 14 guus and 80 men, with 466 slaves on board. The Spanish vessel had 15 killed, including her captain and first and second mates, and 13 wounded. The Black Joke had two mates and four seamen wounded; two of the latter are since dead.

AMERICA.

Rowland Stephenson, the banker, and Lloyd his clerk, see p. 78. under the assumed names of Smith and Larkin, arrived at Savannah, by the Kingston, from Liverpool, Feb. 27th; but they were instantly recognized. Ex-Sheriff Parkins, on hearing that Stephenson had absconded from England, and was destined for New York, offered a reward of 1,500 dollars for his apprehension. Stephenson was arrested near Savannah almost immediately after his arrival there, and taken to New York by the high constable. The seizure was considered illegal, and he was discharged: but he was detained at the suit of Parkins, and lodged in the debtors' prison: he has since been discharged.

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