mind, to which the influence of climate may be joined; but the most direful and lasting consequences frequently ensue. At first, every substance is ravenously devoured, to appease the cravings of hunger; every animal, the most loathsome reptiles, are welcome sustenance; and a paste is baked by the New Hollanders, composed of ants and worms, intermixed with the bark of trees. John Lery, who endured the extremity of famine in a voyage to Brazil, emphatically declared, that a mouse was more prized in the ship than an ox had been ashore; and he also informs us, that three or four crowns were paid for each. The natives of New Caledonia swallow lumps of earth to satisfy their hunger, and tie ligatures, continually increasing in tightness, around the abdomen. They seem to do so with impunity, although the custom of eating earth, in Java, which is done to reduce personal corpulence, is slowly, but invariably destructive. Last of all, recourse is had to human flesh, instances of which have occurred in all countries of the habitable world, on occasion of famine from sieges, shipwreck, or the failure of expected crops of grain. During this period, a material alteration is taking place in the mind: men become wild and ferocious; they view each other with malevolence; they are quarrelsome, turbulent, and equally regardless of their own fate as of the safety of their neighbors; they actually resemble so many beasts of prey. The sensations of hunger from protracted fasting are not alike in all; or it may be, that immediate languor operates strongly on those by whom it is not so severely felt. But it is certain that, after a particular time, little inclination for food is experienced, though great desire remains of quenching thirst. Captain Inglefield, of the Centaur, expresses his consolatory feelings on seeing one of his companions perish, that dying of hunger was not so dreadful as imagination had pictured. A survivor of that miserable shipwreck, during which so many people hung twenty-three days in the shrouds, observes, that he did not suffer much during the first three from want of food; that, after more had elapsed, he was surprised to have existed so long, and concluded that each succeeding day would be his last. To these examples may be added that of captain Kennedy, who considered it singular that, although he tasted neither meat nor drink during eight entire days, he did not feel the sensations of hunger and thirst. Without timely succor, the human frame yields under such privations; idiocy succeeds ferocity, or the sufferer dies raving mad. Should the consequences not be fatal, lasting diseases are frequently occasioned by the tone of the different organs being injured, sometimes incurably, and sometimes admitting palliation. It is evident, however, from the preceding observations, that protracted fasting is not so destructive as is commonly credited, and that mankind may, without danger, remain entire days destitute of food. Liquids are an effectual substitute for solids in preserving life; and drenching the body with salt or fresh water, or laving it copiously on the head, materially contributes in averting death by famine.-See Philosophical Transactions (1783); Memoirs of the Manchester Society for 1785 (vol. iii.); Lerius, Navigationes in Braziliam; Asiatic Researches (vol. iv, p. 386); Syme's Embassy to Ava (p. 130); Mackay's Narrative of the Shipwreck of the Juno; Annual Register for 1768, and 1783; Gentleman's Magazine (1789); Licetus, De his qui diu vivunt sine Alimento. FELLATAHS. (See Foulahs.) (See High FITZWILLIAM, earl, was born in 1748. At the age of twelve, he was sent to Eton school, where he was contemporary with Charles Fox, lord Carlisle, and many other conspicuous characters. His agreeable and generous disposition endeared him to his fellow scholars. He finished his studies at King's college, Cambridge. In 1770, soon after he came of age, he married lady Charlotte Ponsonby; a union which united him more closely with the great whig families. Lord Fitzwilliam was decidedly hostile to the war against America. Under the administration formed by his uncle, the marquis of Rockingham, he did not hold any office; but, in his senatorial capacity, he strenuously supported his friends. Till the year 1793, his lordship continued to act with the whigs. In 1794, lord Fitzwilliam was appointed president of the council, and in the following year was sent over as viceroy to Ireland. In that unhappy and misgoverned country, his presence was fitted to produce great benefit. Holding one of the largest estates in Ireland, he had always been popular there, for the manner in which he treated his tenants. He was, besides, known to be friendly to the removal of the disabilities of the Cath olics. The viceregal dignity was accepted by lord Fitzwilliam only on condition that he should be at liberty to take all such measures as were necessary to conciliate the Irish. He began to put his plans in execution, by removing from office those who were obnoxious to the people. But the influence of the men whom he had removed occasioned his recall. In 1798, he was made lieutenant of the West Riding of Yorkshire. In 1806, during the short administration of the whigs, lord Fitzwilliam was lord president of the council. Since that period, he has gradually withdrawn from politics. After the unhappy affair at Manchester (1821), he was one of those who attended a meeting at York, to call for an inquiry into the conduct of the official persons criminated; for which his lordship was dismissed from the lordlieutenancy of Yorkshire.-His eldest son, lord Milton, has repeatedly sat in parliament for Yorkshire and Northamptonshire, and distinguished himself by his active support of the reform bill, although his father returned five members by his property and influence. FIVE NATIONS. (See Iroquois.) FLACCUS. (See Horatius Flaccus.) FLAT HEADS. (See Choctaws.) FLEMISH SCHOOL OF PAINTERS. Netherlandish School.) FLERUS. (See Fleurus.) FLEUR-DE-LIS. (See Lily.) FLEURET. (See Silk.) FLYING SQUIRREL. (See Squirrel.) (See FORGERY, at common law; the fraudulent making or alteration of a writing to the prejudice of another man's rights, or a making, malo animo, of any written instrument for the purpose of fraud and deceit; the word making, in this last definition, being considered as including every alteration of, or addition to, a true instrument. Besides the offence of forgery at common law, which is of the degree only of misdemeanor, there are very numerous forgeries especially subjected to punishments, by the enactments of a variety of English statutes, which, for the most part, make the forgeries to which they relate capital offences. The offence of forgery may be complete though there be no publication or uttering of the forged instrument; for the very making with a fraudulent intention, and without lawful authority of any instrument, which, at common law, or by statute, is the subject of forgery, is of itself a sufficient comple tion of the offence before publication. Most of the statutes, however, which relate to forgery, make the publication of the forged instrument, with knowledge of the fact, a substantive offence. It is said by Hawkins (P. C., c. 70, s. 2), that the notion of forgery does not seem to consist in the counterfeiting of a man's hand and seal, which may often be done innocently, but in endeavoring to give an appearance of truth to a mere deceit and falsity, and either to impose that upon the world as the solemn act of another, which he is no way privy to, or at least to make a man's own act appear to have been done at a time when it was not done, and, by force of such a falsity, to give it an operation which, in truth and justice, it ought not to have. A deed forged in the name of a person who never had existence, is forgery at law, as was determined in Bolland's case. (O. B., 1772; 1 Leach, 83; 2 East's P. C., 19, sec. 49.) A writing is forged where one, being directed to draw up a will for a sick person, doth insert some legacies therein falsely out of his own head. It is not material whether a forged instrument be drawn in such manner that, if it were in truth that which it counterfeits, it would be valid. The punishment of forgery at common law is, as for a misdemeanor, by fine, imprisonment, and such other corporal punishment as the court in its discretion shall award. The punishments ordained for the offence by the statute law in England are, with scarcely an exception, capital. In the U. States, the punishment is generally imprisonment, with hard labor for a term of years, or for life, according to the degree of the offence. FOSSIL REMAINS. (See Organic Remains.) Fox, Henry Richard. (See Holland, Lord.) FRACTURE (from frango, to break) is applied to the bones, and is divided into simple and compound; simple, when the bone only is injured; compound, when the soft coverings are so injured that ei ther one of the fractured ends protrudes through the skin, or the skin and muscles are so lacerated as to expose the bone. The long cylindrical bones of the limbs are most frequently fractured; next the flat, particularly of the cranium (for those of the pelvis and scapula must be excluded); and, lastly, the round, irregularly-shaped bones of the tarsus, carpus and vertebra. The bones are fractured by external violence, disease, and the action of the mus cles. The long cylindrical bones are not unfrequently broken in more than one point: they are generally fractured at the centre of their shafts, in which case the fracture is more or less oblique; whereas, when it occurs near the extremes, it becomes more and more transverse; hence fractures have been divided into oblique and transverse. The spongy bones are also fractured transversely; the flat bones in various directions, occasionally stellated. A comminuted fracture occurs when a bone is broken in different places at once, and divided into several fragments or splinters. Longitudinal fractures also #occur to the long cylindrical bones. Complicated fractures are those accompanied with luxation, severe contusions, wounded blood-vessels, pregnancy, gout, scurvy, rickets, fragilitas ossium, and syphilis, : which diseases prevent the union of the bones, and also cause them to be A very easily broken. Cold renders the bones more fragile; and they are also more brittle in old age. The superficial are more exposed to fracture than the deep-seated bones; thus the clavicle is more so than the os innominatum. Othsers, from their functions, are more exposed; as, for example, the radius, from its affording support to the carpus. When a fracture takes place, there is an effusion of blood from the vessels of the bone, periosteum and contiguous soft parts; the muscles are violently excited; the periosteum and truncated ends of the bone inflame; and, after the inflammation subsides, the vessels of the periosteum and ends of the bone secrete callus, which is an effusion of gelatin that is gradually converted into cartilage, and, lastly, into bone, by the secretion of phosphate of lime, precisely in the same manner as the formation and conversion of bone in the fetus. During the inflammatory action, no diseased secretion takes place; nay, even the healthy natural ones are more or less suspended, so that no advantage is gained by setting a fracture immediately after the injury : on the contrary, this primary setting, as it is termed, reexcites the already spasmodic action of the muscles, and, in nine cases out of ten, disappoints the hopes of the surgeon. Callus does not harden for many days in the adult, it begius generally about the tenth or twelfth day; Boyer, however, says that it is not formed until between the twentieth and seventieth day. The treatment of a simple fractured bone is, to lay the limb in the easiest position for the patient; to apply leeches and anodyne fomentations or poultices; to put him on low diet, enjoin perfect rest, and administer gentle laxatives, until all inflammatory action is subdued; then to extend the limb to its natural length, or apply pasteboard splints dipped in warm water, with wooden ones exterior to them, and fastened with tapes. This latter is termed secondary setting, and is applicable to all the bones of the extremities. FRANCE SINCE 1830. The revolution of July, 1830, had driven one dynasty from the throne of France, and seated another in its place: it had thus prevented a return to the despotic government of the seventeenth century, and preserved the little share of liberty which the charter of 1814 had granted, with a sparing hand, to the French nation. In theory, it sanctioned the doctrine of the sovereignty of the people, and dealt a fatal blow to the absurd notion of passive obedience; but in practice, it has done little towards realizing the expectations of those who looked to see a monarchy surrounded by republican institutions substituted for the charter government. The popular or revolutionary party, or “party of the movement," as they have been called, demanded that the work of reform should go on, and that more power should be lodged in the hands of the people; while the conservatists, or juste milieu (proper medium) party, resisted all further change, and were desirous to go as little out of the way of legitimacy as possible. The majority of the chamber of deputies, which had been elected previous to the revolution, was of the latter party, while the ministry was divided. Lafayette, Lamarque, Dupont de l'Eure, OdillonBarrot, &c., were among the most prominent of the movement party of these, Lafayette was commander-in-chief of the national guards, Dupont de l'Eure keeper of the seals, and Odillon-Barrot prefect of the Seine. In the month of August, four of the ex-ministers, Peyronnet, Guernon de Ranville, Chantelauze, and Polignac, had been arrested ; and, on the 23d of September, a committee of the chamber of deputies reported resolutions in favor of impeaching them of treason, for having falsified the elections, arbitrarily changed the institutions of the kingdom, and excited civil war. After two days' discussion, the report was accepted: on the 30th, the impeachment was sent up to the peers. The accused were then examined before a commission appointed by the peers for this purpose, and the 15th of December was finally fixed upon for the trial of the impeach ment. Meanwhile, a motion had been made and carried, in the chamber of deputies, for an address to the king, praying him to cause a bill (projet de loi) abolishing capital punishments to be presented for their consideration. The king, in his answer, promised to comply with this request, and expressed his disapprobation of inflicting capital punishments for political offences. The people, who demanded vengeance on their late oppressors, considered this in the light of a conspiracy between the executive and legislative, to screen them from their fate; and, on the 17th and 18th of October, mobs assembled before the Palais Royal, uttering threats against the government. The national guard and the troops of the line were both put in requisition to preserve tranquillity; and the ministers felt themselves obliged to abandon the intended bill. On occasion of the disturbances, Odillon-Barrot, prefect of the department of the Seine, had issued a proclamation exhorting the people to preserve order, in which he designated the proposition of the ministers as unseasonable. The conservatists in the ministry resented the use of such language by a subordinate officer, and demanded his dismission. But the king, fearful of the consequences, would not consent to this step; and baron Louis, the duke de Broglie, count Molé, and Guizot, immediately quitted their offices. The new ministry was now composed of the mouvement party: Dupont retained the seals, Sébastiani the navy department, and Gérard the war department, while Laffitte succeeded to the post of president of the council and minister of finance, marshal Maison to that of minister for foreign affairs, Montalivet to the ministry of the interior, and Merilhou to that of public instruction. In a few days, however, general Gérard retired, and was replaced by marshal Soult; marshal Maison was succeeded by Sébastiani; and the marine was given to count d'Argout. The trial of the ministers finally came on Dec. 15, and lasted to the 21st, the court sitting every day from ten o'clock till four. M. Persil, the attorney-general, Bérenger, reporter of the committee who had prepared the bill, and Madiez de Montjau, were appointed on the part of the deputies to conduct the impeachment. The 15th, 16th and 17th were occupied in the opening of the charge by Bérenger, and the examination of witnesses. The evidence of the first charge, that of having interfered with the elections, consisted of the circulars of the ex ministers, requiring the public functionaries to vote for ministerial candidates, and of other written instruments, promising places in return for votes. The charge of having arbitrarily changed the institutions of the country, rested on the memorial to the king, and the ordinances themselves, the illegal and unconstitutional nature of which was undeniable. The use of military power to enforce them was equally a crime; and the charge of having excited civil war, and armed the citizens against each other, was made out by evidence, showing that they had directed and approved of the employment of the troops in Paris during the three days. The 18th, 19th and 20th were occupied by the speeches of the attorneygeneral on the import of the evidence, and of the counsel for the prisoners, and by the reply of M. Montjau for the impeachment. The counsel for the accused were M. Martignac for prince Polignac, Sauzet for Chantelauze, Hennequin for Peyronnet, and Crémieux for Guernon de Ranville. Martignac contended, first, that, as the provision of the charter, which rendered the ministers responsible, also declared the person of the king inviolable, and the nation had, by the acts of July, chosen to render the king personally responsible, and driven three generations at once from the throne,-that article of the charter was virtually annulled; secondly, that the chamber of peers did not constitute the court prescribed by the charter, as two fifths of its members had been ejected by the accusers themselves; and, thirdly, that there was no law which applied to the case, the charter having only provided that laws should be passed defining what should be esteemed treason, which laws had never been enacted, and the articles of the penal code, which described certain offences, supposed to be similar to those with which the prisoners were charged, not designating them as treasonable, The managers of the impeachment asserted, in reply, that the ministers had rendered themselves responsible by signing the ordinances, and that the expulsion of the royal family was only one consequence of their crime, from the punishment of which the accomplices could not expect to escape, on the plea that the principals had been condemned. On the 21st, the court found the prisoners guilty of treason, under the fifty-sixth article of the charter, by hav ing countersigned the ordinances of July 25, attempted to enforce the execution of them by arms, and advised the king to declare Paris in a state of siege, to subdue the legitimate resistance of the people. The judgment then declared that, as no law had determined the punishment of treason, it belonged to the court to supply the deficiency; and condemned prince Polignac to imprisonment for life, and to civil death; and Peyronnet, Chantelauze, and Guernon de Ranville, to imprisonment for life, with the loss of their titles, rank and orders.-See Procès des derniers Ministres de Charles X (2 vols., Paris, 1830). While the trial was going on, the Luxembourg was surrounded by a clamorous mob, demanding the death of the prisoners, and threatening vengeance in case the sentence was not satisfactory, As the trial proceeded, and it began to be suspected that a capital sentence would not be pronounced, the violence of the multitude increased, and every thing seemed to menace a new insurrection. The troops and national guards were kept under arms by night, and bivouacked in the public places. The whole personal influence of the king and of Lafayette was also employed to soothe the populace: still the number and clamor of the mob became so alarming that it was determined to remove the prisoners secretly to Vincennes before sentence was pronounced. This being accomplished on the 21st, the populace received the annunciation of the sentence, on the next day, without committing any actual violence, as they had no direct object of attack. These disturbances were no sooner over, than the question of the extension of the elective franchise became a subject of division between the chambers and the ministry, and also divided the ministry itself. The consequence was the retirement of the keeper of the seals, Dupont de l'Eure, who was in favor of more extensive changes than his colleagues in the ministry; Odillon-Barrot also resigned the prefectship of the Scine. The chambers were, likewise, employed, at this time, in the permanent organization of the national guard, and were disposed to abolish the office of commander-in-chief of that body, which had been created during the summer, and bestowed on LafayThe influence of that illustrious patriot had been somewhat diminished by the successful conclusion of the trials, and the suppression of the riots of December, -results which his authority had contributed so much to bring about,-and the conservatists now became desirous to get rid of those very men who had directed the storm of the revolution, and calmed ette. its fury. Lafayette, therefore, perceiving the counter-revolutionary tendency of the government, resigned his post on the 24th December; and count Lobau was appointed commander of the national guards of Paris, that of commander-inchief of the national guards of the kingdom being thus abolished. Thus the party of the movement, composed of many able and highly popular men, was thrown into opposition to the government, while the chamber of deputies, which, as we have before said, had been elected before the revolution, was disposed to look upon the ministry with jealousy, as partaking too much of the revolutionary leaven. This, then, was the state of France at the close of the year in which the act of the revolution had occurred. A new king, who was understood to have no great regard for the "men of July," and who was willing to end the revolution with the change of dynasty which seated himself on the throne, had been created by the two chambers, without any appeal to the national voice. Those chambers consisted of the peers, men in general attached to the old régime, and enemies of the revolution, and of the deputies, composed of a majority of men who had been inclined to oppose the arbitrary policy of the late government as inexpedient and unsafe, and had so far yielded to the popular call as to sanction the change of dynasty, but had no wish to make further changes in the constitution of the government. The courts of law were composed almost entirely of friends of the old order of things, many of whom had shown themselves the ready instruments of an arbitrary administration in prosecuting the friends of freedom. The body of the nation had, of its own accord, formed itself into national guards, which chose their own officers; but it had never been accustomed to the exercise of any political rights, and it now looked to be admitted to the privileges of freemen. It demanded the abolition of the hereditary peerage, the extension of the elective franchise, and a new organization of the municipal administration, in which the nation should be permitted to take part. In regard to foreign affairs, the patriots, or the movement party, were urgent for a favorable answer to the overtures of the Belgians. They complained of the refusal to accept the crown, which had been offered to the duke of Nemours, and they complained equally of the interference of the French ministers in preventing the election of the |