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Intelligence.-South Wales Unitarian Book Society.

Doctrine in those Counties," was held at Moretonhampstead, on the 3d instant, when the Rev. T. Cooper opened the service of the day, by reading a psalm, which was sung in an excellent stile by the choir, after which the devotional service was conducted by the Rev. Dr. Carpenter in his usually impressive and serious manner. The annual Sermon was delivered by the Rev. I. Worsley, founded on the 40th chapter of Isaiah and the 18th verse, "To whom then will ye liken God?" The discourse was somewhat original and highly impressive, and pointed out some of the various erroneous notions entertained by reputed orthodoxy concerning the Divine Being, and his messenger of love to the human race, the holy Jesus. After the conclusion of the service, the members of the Association went through the business of the day with zeal and unanimity, which was highly edifying, and admitted several new members. After a very plain dinner, at which nearly 60 members sat with apparent satisfaction, the memory of the late venerable Dr. Priestley was solemnly drank, standing; nor were the names of Lindsey, Kenrick, and Toulmin, and some others still living for the benefit of the cause of religious truth, forgotten; and with a feeling which was affecting and impressive, the members were reminded of their obligations to "the friends of Unitarianism both in and out of the establishment," who, though they have not yet avowed themselves as such, have by rational instruction and virtuous examples, been for years rooting out the weed, and preparing the ground, in which the enlightened Unitarian is now encouraged to sow with diligence the good seed, which, by producing an abundant crop, will ere long cause the nations of the earth to rejoice; and, by one respected member of the Society, the effects of the improving liberality of some of the most distinguished advocates of reputed orthodoxy on the cause of Unitarianism, and of the exertions of the friends of the latter on the former, were with Christian benevolence pointed out as tending to spread religious enquiry and the cause of divine truth, as well as to diminish and prevent asperity, on both sides of the question. In short, the zeal and liberality displayed by

427

every speaker, seemed to give delight
and animation to all, and to prove the
happiness which brethren, who in
some respects differ in opinion, may
enjoy, when they meet together to
promote the cause of divine truth and
religion.
J. 1.

South Wales Unitarian Book Society.

The Annual Meeting of the South Wales Unitarian Book Society was held at Swansea, on Wednesday the 26th, and at Gellyonen, on Thursday the 27th of June. The Rev. J. Rowe, of Bristol, preached, on Wednesday morning, from John xx. 31, a very manly and seasonable Discourse, which he was afterwards requested to print, but declined. The Rev. D. Davis, of Neath, followed him, in Welsh, from 1 Tim. ii. 5.: and in the evening the Rev. J. Evans, of Carmarthen, delivered, in English, a very ingenious Discourse, from John i. 1. Between thirty and forty gentlemen dined together at the Bush Inn, and sixteen new subscribers were added to the Book Society.

On Thursday morning, at Gellyonen, the Rev. Thomas Evans, of Aberdare, preached from Colossians iii. 4.; and the Rev. J. Evans, of Carmarthen, the Sermon before the Society, from 1 Cor. viii. 6. The Rev. Mr. Thomas, a pupil of Mr. Evans, of Islington, and the Rev. B. Philips, of St. Clear's, conducted the devotional part of the Service. The whole of the Services of this day were in Welsh; and Mr. J. Evans's Sermon, at the request of the Society, is to be printed.

When the business of the Book Society was closed, the attendants, who were very numerous and respectable, and among whom were eighteen ministers, formed themselves into "A Meeting of Unitarian Christians from different parts of South Wales," at which

GEORGE THOMAS, Esq.

Being in the Chair,

IT WAS UNANIMOUSLY RESOLVED,

"1. That the thanks of this meeting be given to the Rev. Thomas Belshamn, for his seasonable and very useful publication, entitled, A Letter to the Unitarian Christians in South Wales."

་་

2. That it is not known to this meeting that any injury whatever, but on the contrary very eminent service," has been done to the " Cause of Uni

428 Intelligence.-Debate in the House of Commons on the French Protestants.

tarianism in Wales" by Mr. Belsham's writings.

3. That the Chairman be requested to transmit the above Resolutions to Mr. Belsham.

"4. That the thanks of this meeting be given to the Rev. Richard Awbrey, for his several excellent publications in defence of Unitarianism.

5. That the Chairman be requested to transmit the last Resolution to Mr. Awbrey.

"(Signed) GEO. THOMAS,
66 Chairman."

MISCELLANEOUS.

must see that the King had no authority, no army, here. There were details in the management of government, of which no man sitting here tranquilly in parliament could form a judginent. "A considerable number of houses were plundered and burnt; and though there was little doubt that encouragement was given to these crimes, yet many of the inagistrates were disposed to resist: but they were provided with no military force. Matters stood thus, when on the arrival of Prince Stahremberg in August, measures were taken, by which a general distrust was excited among the Protestants; they were

Debate in the House of Commons on the 120,000 in number, and it was in vain

French Protestants.

[Concluded from p. 365.j

Lord CASTLEREAGH continued :— The Protestants had risen to power since the revolution, and had secured to themselves the majority of public offices. [A laugh.] This power they enjoyed under Bonaparte, while the return of the Bourbons gave the Catholies hopes of supplanting them, which from their numbers, loyalty, and patriotism, they considered themselves justly entitled to do. The Noble Lord then proceeded to read many more passages, among which the most striking were, "that previously to the return of Bonaparte several songs had been sung, insulting to the feelings of the Protestants, and exciting rancour and animosity. The Duke of Angouleme, who was then in the country, hastened to meet Bonaparte at Lyons, but he was stopped by the treachery of General Malet; his followers then dispersed, and fell victims to the fury of the Protestants or the adherents of Bonaparte." [Mark the synonyme, said Sir SAMUEL ROMILLY, the Protestants, or the adherents of Bonaparte.] "During the four following months the Protestants committed great excesses on the royalisis; at this period commenced the reaction, and the excesses were retaliated after the news of the battle of Waterloo: the disturbances at Nismes were carried to a perilous extent, but those who committed them were of the lowest class of Catholics; the richer Protestants suffered in their property and houses. However, the crimes were greatly exaggerated, and many accounts in the English newspapers were entirely forged. The number of lives lost in the department were under 1,000, and

Nismes under 200." The House

to expect tranquillity at once. The officer best qualified to restore peace was General Lagarde." This did not argue illiberality in the government to choose a Protestant for the command of the province, and, therefore, it did look a little as if the Honourable and Learned Gentleman was seeking for a case, when he attributed to a general want of toleration measures taken for one troubled district. "General Lagarde's assassination was considered a public calamity; the Protestants had lost a friend who alone could give a free opinion to the Duke of Angouleme. The neighbouring departments, and the Protestants in them, with the exception of Cevennes, were in a state of tranquillity; and, after every inquiry, it appeared that the disturbances at Nismes were a local and partial feud." This then' was the error of the societies in this country; they took the matter up as a general disturbance, and sent out their papers to places in perfect tranquillity; they further sent a respectable clergyman to the disturbed district, he published a pamphlet, which the Honourable and Learned Gentleman repeated, and this was the way in which it was attempted to harrow up the feelings of the House. "In the neighbouring districts there was no disturbance; in Montpelier there was no interruption of the communication between the two persuasions; intermarriages were celebrated between them, and the Protestant public functionaries continued in office. In Lyons there was no interruption of peace, and there was one minister of the reformed church so admired, that many Catholics attended to hear him." Did this savour of general intolerance, or did it warrant the interference of the city of London? "It could not be

Intelligence-Debate in the House of Commons on the French Protestants. 429

wondered at, that in the department of the Gard the King should not choose to place authority in those hands which had so lately been raised against him. There was not a conscientious Protestant who expected more liberality than had been exercised towards them: his Majesty was surely justifiablein refusing to place power in the hands of the Protestants at the present crisis, but it would be proper for him to adopt mild and conciliatory measures." If this was the case, our interference was more likely to produce evil than good. "The disturbances were quite local, and had been greatly exaggerated." The Learned Gentleman would not recommend prosecuting one side, without also attacking the other [Loud cries from the Opposition]; he had admitted that no outrages had occurred since December, and he now wished to revive the disputes; but by making our selves a party, we should only increase the evil. "There was no hope of tranquillity without a change of ministry." But with this parliament could not interfere. "A late communication from Nismes complained of severity towards the Protestants, and assigned as a reason the letters received from the Protestant Society in London." [Hear, hear!] "They caused a strong feeling of dissatisfaction and uneasiness among the Protestants themselves." It was impossible that foreign interference could produce any effect but the contrary of what was wished: the present had been productive of injury, by exciting false hopes on the one side, and jealousy on the other; and the best informed Protestants, though they respected the motive, dreaded the consequences of such interference: The House would see that there was no ground to charge the French with systematic persecution and intolerance; that the disturbances were completely local, and the departments on the very borders of it were tranquil and unaffected: he had reason to hope, therefore, that this serious mischief would soon find an end. He did not deny that the mischief was serious; but it was not by blowing a trumpet, and telling a tale, to make people believe that we were returned to the bigotry of the 9th century-it was not by highly colouring the violences of one party, that we could put an end to these religious struggles. It was on these grounds-on a persuasion that the French government had but one feeling

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and one interest (for who would be benefitted, or what rational object could be gained, by fomenting these disturb ances?)-that he thought any proposal impolitic which would lead parliament to interfere, on the notion that we stood in a relation with respect to France, which justified our demanding some concessions. He denied that we stood in any such relation; we were obliged to keep a military force there, because we were persuaded that the government of Louis XVIII. was the most likely to ensure peace. We were pledged to support him against any revolutionary spirit that remained, but we had not given a pledge that we should interfere or administer the internal jurisprudence of France: we were the protectors of our own rights, not of the government of France. He hoped, and was indeed satisfied that the Honourable Gentleman could have no design to cast obloquy on the members of that government; but he knew that there were others who promoted such designs: there were spirits abroad who were anxious to overturn the power of Louis XVIII. and the peace which had placed their prospects at an immediate distance. He warned the country against the proposals that had been made: there was no prospect of happiness but in peace, and no peace but in the present government of France. He acquitted the Honourable and Learned Gentleman of any bad intentions, but his speech would certainly be attended with bad consequences, containing, as it did, such exaggerated statements, dressed up with all the eloquence of which the subject was capable. His Lordship would not give his consent to a notion so injurious. [Hear, hear!].

Mr. BROUGHAM complained that the tone and manner of the Noble Lord was not at all justified by any thing that had fallen from his Honourable and Learned Friend (Sir S. Romilly.). He begged leave to put in a distinct disclaimer to the objects and principles imputed by the Noble Lord-first, as to the hostility of the supporters of the motion to the family of Bourbon; next, as to their wish to disturb the peace of Europe by destroying the tranquillity of France; and thirdly, as to their intention of enforcing a direct and offensive interference with the internal regulations of the French government-an interference alien to the plainest principles of policy, and upon

430 Intelligence.-Debate in the Ilouse of Commons on the French Protestants.

a subject that could be touched only
with a most cautious and delicate hand.
For the information of the Noble Lord,
who appeared to be most singularly ig-
norant upon
this subject, he begged to
state, that it was possible to moot a
question of this kind, to ask for accounts
of the state of our persecuted Protestant
brethren, and what steps had been taken
for their relief and protection, without
danger of exposing the country to the
calamity of a new war. The whole
scope of the proposition was to obtain
information, that, if deemed necessary
by parliament, steps might be taken
and although the Noble Lord might
refuse his assent, a very important ob-
ject had been accomplished, for in the
course of his speech the Noble Lord
had given most ample and valuable in-
formation, which more than confirmed
the statement made of the horrible
atrocities of which the deluded Catho-
fics had been guilty in the department
of La Gard. While the Noble Lord,
with such exultation among his friends,
was reading the statement, which he
had produced to the House, every man,
not blinded by admiration of the stu-
pendous abilities of his Lordship, must
have seen that it completely proved
the case in favour of the motion: the
Noble Lord was partially aware of the
fact, and had interlarded his document
with such observations as he thought
calculated to remove the unfavourable
impression. So far from showing that
the assertions of the Honourable Mover
had been exaggerated, it proved directly
the contrary. The House had heard
with astonishment, that no less than
1,000 murders had been committed,
a number far exceeding the calculation
of other men. The Noble Lord had
next endeavoured to alarm the House,
by referring to a period not long past,
when religious controversy had pro-
duced unhappy consequences in the
county of Armagh; but did he mean
to say, that even during the rebellion
of 1798 and 1799, the outrages had
equaled those of La Gard? [Lord Cas-
tlereagh said across the table that he
did not refer to the date mentioned.]
If the Noble Lord did not allude to
the rebellion, his argument was the
weaker; for if not during the period of
rebellion, where could be found any
thing like a parallel to the horrors of
La Gard? Within the space of three
months a thousand murders had been
committed: where could similar atro-

cities be found in the history almost of any country? What had fallen from the Noble Lord regarding the ten thousand men who had oppressed a part of France by their adherence to Bonaparte did not at all apply, because at that period hostilities had not ceased. The motion did not require that this country should draw the sword in favour of the Protestants: other means of redress were in our hands, which might be used without any breach of amity. It was the duty of England to use them peacefully, and delicately, in proportion to the importance and delicacy of the subject. It was the duty of government to make such representations to the authorities in France, as became the situation of that country, and the attitude we were entitled to assume. A renewal of hostilities would not necessarily be the consequence: on the contrary, in former times, when we had felt called upon to interpose in favour of those who were unjustly suffering, our sympathy had been frequently rewarded by the accomplishment of the desired object. The Noble Lord had frequently reverted to a favourite topic the injury done to the cause of the Protestants by the humane interference of their brethren in this country; and the example of those benevolent persons was held up as a warning to the House. "Though your ancestors have frequently interposed with effect, you must not think of endeavouring to rescue these unhappy people from destruction," said the Noble Lord; and what was the reason assigned? “I admit (added his Lordship) that their persecutors inflict upon them inhuman cruelties; that they are tortured-that they are murdered; that in three months 1,000 murders for conscience-sake have been perpetrated, and not one offender executed or even brought to trial: but you must not interfere, because the generous sympathy of the people of England will only draw down upon the Protestants of France new calamities." [Hear, hear!] Such was the argument of the Noble Lord: and he (Mr. Brougham) had heard it with more regret, because it was not the last time it would be employed. The subject of the Slave Trade was shortly to be brought before the House: another attempt would be made to ameliorate the condition of those with whom we had, in common, neither manners, language, religion, nor complexion;

66

Intelligence.-Debate in the House of Commons on the French Protestants. 431

but, what would be the answer of the Noble Lord to such a proposition? Ile had given a foretaste of it to-night. · Do not interfere (he would say)—do not endeavour to promote the happiness of the slaves; it is true they are now whipped with scourges, but if you interpose they will be flogged with scorpions." Such an argument would not impose upon the understanding of Parliament. The Noble Lord had stated, that he was no friend to peace who diminished the stability of the present government of France: it was true that conflicting opinions had been entertained as to the propriety of our interference in the establishment of the Bourbons, but both parties might now join sincerely in the prayer that that family might not be disturbed. That it should continue on the throne of France, presenting a firm front to its enemies, and a benevolent countenance to its friends, must be the nearest and dearest wish of every man who rejoiced in the happiness of France, and in the tranquillity of Europe; but he was at a loss to imagine how this government was prevented from remonstrating on the subject of the Protestants at a time when we had an army in France, and a general with powers little less than Sovereign. He trusted that the present discussion would operate as a spur to those who had authority in our neighbour kingdom, at least it would show, that there were a few persons in Great Britain who felt the ancient sympathy of their forefathers, and who felt equal pity for the persecuted, and indignation at the authors of their calamities.

Lord BINNING maintained that Protestants and Bonapartists were in truth synonimous; and that interference was most of all to be avoided at a time when we had an imposing force in France, because then it would be most likely to give umbrage.

Mr. W. SMITH Supported the motion.

Sir Samuel ROMILLY, in reply, said, that it was not his intention to divide the House upon the question. He had never known more flagrant injustice done to an individual, than he had experienced in the course of this debate. Never having himself intentionally given offence, he was at a loss to account for the marked and designed injustice done him by the Noble Lord. [Order, order, from Lord Castlereagh.] He had no wish to give personal offence,

to the Noble, Lord, but he thought he had not been fairly treated. Principles and motives had been attributed to him which he had never entertained, both with regard to the government of France, and to the dangerous interference which he was supposed to require. The kind of interference which he recommended was one merely of amicable suggestion and good offices; and it was admitted on the other side, that ministers had already interfered to a certain extent. The Noble Lord had accused him of exaggeration; but he was extremely happy that the report to which the Noble Lord had alluded as authority, bore ample testimony to the truth of all his statements. The Noble Lord must know that he abstained from mentioning many circumstances of horror, which, if it had been his wish to inflame the feelings or imagination of the House, he might have derived from the same source of information. He was not conscious of any. intention to heighten the colour of those descriptions, because the mention of them was abhorrent to his nature, or because he could not express himself with the same coolness as others, in touching upon such subjects. [Hear, hear!] In consequence, however, of what had fallen from the other side, he must remind the Noble Lord, that whilst the town of Nismes was in the possession of the Bonapartists, not a single murder had been committed. The latter party never directed their hostility against religion as a distinctive characteristic of political inclination. The persecution carried on by the emissaries, partisans of the present government of France, had been aimed against the Protestants as such. He certainly thought the proclamation of the government, describing these outrages as excusable acts of vengeance, entirely without justification. He was quite sure that the present discussion would be attended with happy effects, and that it would serve to exhibit to the world, that there was at least one place in which the enormities of such. monsters as he had described, however they might be countenanced or rewarded elsewhere, were sure to be stamped with the infamy which be longed to them. Was it because it was only in the department of the Gard, containing a population of 160,000 persons, where these disorders prevailed, that they were to be regarded

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