the superintendance which it exercises over the welfare of the Community; a superintendance, which averts, or abates an innumerable variety of evils, and secures a multiplicity of interests.

The application of political science to actual practice is em barrassed with infinite difficulties, from the complexity of considerations involved, and the uncertainty of all events which are affected, in any degree, by the passions or opinions of men. In the constitution of governments the most nicely adapted to the wants and dispositions of the people, some errors will always betray the imperfection of human nature, and some abuses, in the administration of public concerns, must be expected from its frailty.

But if he who undertakes to correct these defects, is disposed to consider every oversight as a mark of incapacity, every error as a proof of guilt; if he seeks to persuade the unthinking and ignorant, that the laws under which they live cannot be good, because they are not perfect, he undermines the foundations of national strength, and, by taking from government the support of public opinion, endangers the best security for Civil Peace.

To fortify the authority, and recompense the cares of him who is placed at the head of a System thus difficult in its administration, and thus beneficial in its effects, both policy and justice require that his Station be invested with grandeur. His services to the State, if performed with fidelity, are not over-paid by the largest revenues and the highest honors. These are both necessary to maintain the respect by which Governments subsist, and due to the Benefactor of the People.

Yet are not these the things on which the greatness and felicity of Kings depend, and which constitute the cloudless morning of him that ruleth in the fear of God. The Prince who acts habitually on this great principle of religion, will find his firmest support, and his highest reward here on earth, in the veneration and gratitude of his Subjects.

Under such a Ruler, we have ourselves experienced the truth of this assertion. We have seen a religious reign, during more than half a century, improving the morals of Society. We have seen the Throne of England established by righteousness, amidst the wreck of surrounding Thrones, and while other governments, shaken almost to dissolution, were crumbling to pieces on every side.

We have seen the just Monarch, who ruled us in the fear of God, rewarded with the steady and zealous affections of his people; retaining in his afflictive retirement their unabated reverence, followed to his Tomb by their sincere regrets, and beyond it by their grateful recollections.

On the Son, and Successor of this venerable King, now rests our hope of Britain's weal; and if we may build our expectations of the future on our experience of the past, we have just ground for hope, in looking back to the eventful period of the Regency.

The Sovereign about to receive the Imperial Crown of his Ancestors, is not new to the cares and duties of his high Station.

When called to the exercise of the Royal Authority, he found the Country involved in a war, which threatened our very existence as an Independent State.

Through his stedfastness in the hour of peril, (under the Providence of God) that War has been brought to a conclusion, glorious to the National Fame and Character, perhaps beyond any parallel in the annals of our History-glorious, above all, in the moderation of the triumph-glorious in the magnanimity with which, undazzled by the splendors of Conquest, and unsubdued by the prospects of Ambition, the Victor confined himself to the only legitimate object of War, the achievement of a lasting Peace. Under the government of a Prince, who has shown such fortitude in public dangers, and such wisdom in public prosperity, we have reason to anticipate all the blessings of a firm and prudent policy-we have reason to trust, that he will place his glory in the moral greatness of his Country, that the true interests of the Nation will be consulted by a Patriot Reign, and the Throne established in the hearts of a loyal and happy people.

Let us, then, in conclusion, implore the Almighty, of his infinite mercy, to accept and confirm the solemn engagements which are made on this day in his presence; let us beseech Him, in the ever-prevailing name of Christ, to multiply his blessings on the head of our Sovereign, and so to direct and prosper his Councils for the maintenance of true Religion and the good of his People, that he may long continue to hold the Sceptre of righteousness, in the abundance of peace and glory.

PIEDMONTESE REVOLUTION.

Sta la forza per lui, per me sta il vero.

VITTORIO ALFIERI.

[BY COUNT SANTA ROSA, EX-MINISTER.]

TRANSLATED EXCLUSIVELY FOR THE PAMPHLETEER.

PARIS AND LONDON.

ON THE

PIEDMONTESE REVOLUTION.

If it were known how painful it is to a man driven from his country by an unhappy revolution, to recur to events which have subjected that country to a foreign yoke, and deprived him of all the comforts of life, even this work might meet with some benevolent readers. However, so many calumnies have been circulated, so many facts grossly perverted, that a true Italian can no longer remain silent. Were the reputation of the individuals, who brought about the Piedmontese revolution the only question, probably this silence would not now be broken. They would rather make a painful sacrifice to their country's good; for the publication of this work may indeed prove prejudicial to the public welfare. The enemies of liberty will gather from it some information which they will not fail to turn to account in the struggle which they have sworn to maintain against the dearest interests of society. But, on the other hand, if we should suffer the history of our revolution to rest on the authority of those works which have appeared on the subject,' there would remain an unfavorable impression of it in Europe, whilst Italians might fall into a state of discouragement, fatal to their country.

I write in a foreign tongue; because I should be read by foreigners. I am indifferent about elegant writing; provided I do not distort facts. I have indeed been so situated as to see and discover the real motives of many events; and possessing besides

I know of three only: "Thirty Days' Revolution in Piedmont, by an EyeWitness,' printed at Lyons; An Historical Summary of the Revolutions of the Kingdoms of Naples and Piedmont in 1820 and 1821, by Count D *** History of the Revolution of Piedmont, by M. Alphonse de Beauchamp,' printed at Paris.