tifie, mantene, or obey our said Mother, or any conspyratouris, movaris of seditioun and insurrectioun, under cullour of quhatsumever other pretendit authoritie, nor orders, under the pain of tresoun. And that Lyoun King of Arms, his nether Herauldis, Masaris, Pursevätis, and Messangeris quhatsumever, mak publicatioun heirof at the mercat croces of the heid Burrowis of our Realme, and otheris places neidfull, that nane pretend ignorance of the same. Given under our signet and subscrivit to our said deirest cousing and Regent at Glasgow, the 14th day of Maye, and of our Reyne the 1st zeir. 1568. Imprentet at Endenburgh be Robert Lekprevik, printar to the Kingis Maiestie, A. D. 1568. The above state manifesto was probably written under the direction of the Regent by Buchanan. That accomplished scholar was sent for out of France to become the preceptor of the youthful son of Mary, as his advancing years might require. He had too much stubborn virtue, drawn from Scripture, and the sages of antiquity, to approve the moral conduct of that misguided princess, and he zealously adhered to the party opposed to her. The Regent it is said employed him to write the tract intituled, "Ane Detectioun of the Doingis of Marie Quene of Scotis,"* which is penned in the broad Scotish dialect, used by Buchanan whenever he dismissed for a time the elegant and comprehensive medium of Latinity, in which he was such an adept. The proclamation inserted above, although verbose, in conformity with the style of state documents, is by no means destitute of strength of diction, and in solemn appeal to the hearts of the Scotish people against the detestable crimes which it de nounces. The mode of expression and dialect is precisely that of the tract attributed to Buchanan; and indeed it seems to be expressly referred to, in the passage of the proclamation which says the murder of Darnley was not only clearly brought home to Bothwell by the report of divers actually present, and by many circumstances, but also that "writ declarit the trueth, resolving many of the doubt they stood into;" which seems to be a direct citation of the tract bearing "Detection" *See Anderson, vol. ii. GENT. MAG. VOL. XV. for its title. This last named production is of course of a very different character to a state proclamation; it is distinguished by that satirical and pointed vein with which some of Buchanan's writings abounded, and occasionally by that coarseness for which he was censured by his enemies.† I shall lay a short extract of this composition before your readers, and I think they will be disposed to concur in the conclusion, that if he penned the one he was also the author of the other. An agent in Queen Mary's amours, one Dame Reres, is described in the "Detection" as follows: "Bot scho layet all the blame upon my Lady Reres, ane woman of maist vyle unchastitie, quha had sumtime bene ane of Bothwellis harlottis, and then was ane of the chief of the queenis previe chalmer. Be this woman, quha now in hir age had from the gayne of huredome betakin herself to the craft of bawderie, was Bothwell was throw the gardine brocht the Quene, as herself said, betrayit, for into the Quenis chalmer * But how mekle aganes her will Dame Reres betrayit hir, tyme, the mother of trueth, has disclosit, for within a few dayis after, the Quene did send Dame Reres * * * to bring him (Bothwell) captive unto hir heichnes. The Quene, with Margaret Carwod, ane woman previe of all hir secretis, did let hir downe by ane string over ane auld wall into the nixt gardene; bot in sic weirly affairis all thingis cannot ever be sa wel forseine, bot that sum incommodious chance may overthortly (overthwartly) happein. Behold, the string suddanely brak, and downe with a great noyis fell Dame Reres, a woman verray hevie, baith be unweildie age and massie substance. Bot scho, ane auld beatin souldiour, nathing dismayit with the darknes of the night, the hight of the wall, ne the suddenes of the fall, up scho gettis, and winnis unto Bothwillis chalmer, scho gat the dure oppin, and out of his bed, evin out of his wyfis armis, bringis the man to the Quene. half asleep, half nakit, scho forceabilly maner an circumstances of the deid, not onlie the maist part of thame that than This Another Correspondent, in reply to the above, states that the date was placed one year too early, and that she was confined a second time in Coventry. Now, as I have every reason to believe that Mary was only confined once in Coventry, and that the date of 1567 ought to be 1569, (occasioned probably by an error of the transcriber,) I have sent the following details for your inspection, and insertion in a future number. Mary was in Scotland in the years 1566 and 1567, but, in consequence of disturbances in that country, she determined to put herself under the protection of Queen Elizabeth, and with that intent went to Workington, in Cumberland, on Sunday, May 16, 1568. She then was taken to Carlisle Castle, where she was confined by Lowther, a deputy captain of the place. From thence she was removed, on July 16, to Boston Castle, Yorkshire, which belonged to Lord Scrope. On January 26, 1569, she left this castle with her attendants on horseback, and arrived at Tutbury Castle, Staffordshire, (the property of the more secure. she was brought to Coventry at this time, Coventry not being in their line of travelling. On the 16th of November, 1569, the Earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland raised their banner in Yorkshire, and with 7000 men intended to march to Tutbury, to liberate Mary; but they were eventually obliged to retreat towards the Scotish borders in consequence of a strong force having been sent against them by Queen Elizabeth, and by which they were soon signally defeated. Mary at that time was confined in Tutbury Castle, but, for greater security, Queen Elizabeth directed the Earls of Shrewsbury and Huntingdon to take her instantly to Coventry, with all the force they could possibly collect, and there to see her safely guarded and kept. The letters are dated Windsor, Nov. 22, 1569, and one of them is copied in the "Huntingdon Peerage." The Queen also sent a letter from Windsor, dated Nov. 26, to the Mayor and Aldermen of Coventry, directing them to be obedient to the orders of the Earls of Shrewsbury and Huntingdon, during the time that Mary was confined in that city. Mary was accordingly conveyed to Coventry, by the Earls above-mentioned, on Nov. 25, where they arrived at night; and she was placed in confinement in the Black Bull Inn, in Smithford street, where the barracks now stand. In the room was subsequently painted an inscription, stating the circumstance. She remained in Coventry until New Year's-day, (another account says Candlemas-day,) and was then taken to Tutbury again, no further apprehensions being entertained of any rebellion in the North. Black Bull Inn, Elizabeth_sent a During Mary's confinement in the letter to the two Earls, dated Nov. 30, 1569, and which is now in the British Museum. She states that she found they had brought the Scotish Queen safely to Coventry, on the 25th of Nov. for which she returned them thanks; and that they had found the citizens very loyal and dutiful; but, as there was not then any apprehension of danger from the rebels in the North, as they had then with them about 400 persons, she directed that a portion of them should be discharged as unnecessary. She then remonstrates with them as to their confining Mary in an inn, which, she says, "is very inconvenient, even for name's sake," and directs them to remove her to the Whitefriars, or some other convenient house; that they should also lodge in the same house with her, and not sufer ber to be seen abroad by any person, under any pretence; and that, especially, they should "not bring her on this side hitherward." In consequence of this letter, it is highly probable that the Earls of Shrewsbury and Huntingdon removed Mary from the Black Bull Inn to the mayoress's parlour, in St. Mary's Hall. During this time, the citizens kept watch and ward, night and day, at every gate, that none might pass without examination. A marshalsea was made in the Greyfriars Gate, the postern gates were stopped up, and a part of the town wall was repaired. During Mary's stay in Coventry, she wrote a letter in cypher, supposed to be intended for the Duke of Norfolk, expressive of affection, and desiring him not to mistrust her. This is in the British Museum. Mary was afterwards removed from Tutbury to Chatsworth, Sheffield Castle, and other places, until at last she was taken to Fotheringhay Castle, in Northamptonshire, where she was beheaded. This castle was subsequently taken down, by order of her son, James I. On hearing of the execution of Mary, the citizens of Coventry were so "very loyal and dutiful," that for joy they rung the bells, and made numerous bonfires, &c. Yours, &c. W. READER. MR. URBAN, Dec. 22. I PRESUME that the following extract from the Hundred Rolls of Henry the Third's reign, and the subjoined form of granting the Steward ship of the manor of the three Chiltern Hundreds, are satisfactory replies to the several inquiries in your former volumes respecting its locality, antiquity, &c.; and sufficiently demon This manor has but one stewarŽ, LUČ, unless the crWL, WIL I ET BOIL the manor of East Headrest Berkshire, reserved to itsed the right of nonnating to the stewardship of this lastnamed mador to which the ana wages of 20 stillings are assigned, some ¿Fruity may bereafter arise, should two members of the House of Commons wish to vacate their seats on the same day. According to Hassell, the members who first retired from parent Dy accepting one of these at present nomina, ces, were Mr. JóLa Pitt in 1750, and Mr. Lascelles in 1702. The following is the present form of admission to the stewardship of the Chiltern Hundreds : To all to whom these presents shall come, the right honourable Francis Baring, chancellor and under-treasurer of Her Majesty's Exchequer, sendeta greeting. Know ye, that I the said Francis Baring reposing especial trust and confidence in the care and fidelity of A. B. Esq. Have constituted and appointed, and by these presents do constitute and appoint the said [A. B. Esq.] to be steward and bailiff of the three hundreds of Chiitern, in the county of Buckingham, that is to say, Stoke, Desborough, and Bonenham, with the returns of all writs, warrants, and executions of the same, in the room and place of [C. D. Esq., whose constitution to the said offices I do hereby revoke and determine,) together with all wages, fees, allowances, and other privileges and pre-eminences whatsoever to the said offices of steward and buliff belonging, power and authority to hold and keep or in any wise appertaining, with full courts, and to do all and every other act and acts, thing and things, which to the said offices of steward and bailiff of the three hundreds aforesaid, or either of them, do belong, or in any wise year, or else these presents and every thing herein contained to be void. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and seal, the day of in the year of the reign of Her Majesty Queen Victoria, and in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and Sealed and delivered, (being first duly stampt) in the presence of Hoping that I may thus elicit from your learned correspondent at Oxford, who, a few years ago, proposed to favour us with a history of the Chiltern Hundreds, which he stated were four hundreds and a half in Oxfordshire, -some further documentary authorities for such statement than the patent of Henry the Sixth, giving the seneschalship of them conjointly, to William (de la Pole) Marquess of Suffolk, Alicia (Chaucer) his wife, and their son John (brother-in-law to Edw. IV.), -or that this communication may arrest the attention of gentlemen who have conceived the Chiltern Hundreds to be in other counties than Buckinghamshire or Oxfordshire, I am, Yours, &c. Plantagenet. SONNET ON DR. ROUTH'S ENTERING HIS FIFTIETH YEAR OF OFFICE AS WAYNFLETE! * if aught of care for those below Nor think that Piety and Learning fade; *Founder of Magdalen College. E. MILLARD. RETROSPECTIVE REVIEW. The Works of Christopher Marlowe. 3 muka Loudon, 1826 THE editor of this work was a gentleman of the name of Robinson: how far he was qualified for the task, by his knowledge of the Oid Drama, IB not for the present writer to say; but in his perust of the edition, he has had occasion to notice many errors and corruptions of the text, the most inportant of which he has mentioned, as they may be of some stance to a future editor, and may enable him to give the true reading of the original, in a somewhat purer form than that in which it stands at present." Vol. I. p. 36. Tamberlaine, 1st part, act ni. sc. 1. “As many circumcised Turks we have, And warlike bands of Christian's reused.” The editor says, "realed-denied. Christians who had denied their faith; but read, "Christians renegadens," or "Christian renegades.” P. 48. Read, P. 48. "Brave borses bred o'er the white Turtarian ** Disdainful Turkess, and unreverend Bosa.” The editor says, "Boss," a contemptous epithet, expressive of the inflated pride of the Turkish Empress "a tumour, and excrescence." Read, “Disdainful Turkess and unreverend Bassa." On the word "Boss," (a reservoir of water), see Gifford's Jonson, vol. vii. p. 9. P. 56. “To suck up poison from the Mooriad fens.” Read, "moorish fens." P. 75, act v. sc. 2. In a long speech of Tamberlaine's, towards the end, the verses are much out of order. I will give them just as they stand in Mr. Robinson's edition, and then as I have endeavoured to restore them to their proper places. "But how unseemly is it for my sex, To harbour thoughts effeminate and faint, With whose instinct the soul of man is touch'd ; of fame, of valor, and of victory, Shall give the world to note for all my birth, And fashions men with true nobility." *The errors in the paging of this edition, and the printing the Elegies twice over in the third volume, certainly strengthen our belief that this edition was got up with haste unbecoming the value of the work. |