that in the actual situation of Holland, | thing would thenceforward go on smooth when an entire army, a crowd of Custom- ly between France and Holland.-The house officers, and the National Army itself treaty, it is true, offers a great number of were placed out of the power of the go- pretexts for fresh complaints, and fresh vernment-when every thing, with the accusations. But can pretexts be at any exception of the capital, may be said to time wanting? I was, therefore, entitled be under the order of a foreign officer, I to rely upon the explanations and comwas bound to declare to Marshal the Duke munications made to me on the subject of of Reggio, and the Chargé d'Affaires of this treaty, and the formal and express dethe Emperor, that if the capital and its clarations which I did not fail to makedistrict were occupied, I should consider that the Custom-house officers should inthat proceeding as a manifest violation of terfere only in matters relative to the the laws of nations, and those rights that blockade-that the French troops should are deemed most sacred among men. It be stationed only on the coasts-that the was this that induced me to refuse the domains of the creditors of the State, and Custom-house officers admission into Muy- the Crown, should be respected-that the den, Naarden, and Diemer. I had a right debts of the ceded territories should be so to do; inasmuch as the treaty only charged upon France-and, finally-that authorizes the presence of the Custom- from the number of troops to be furnished, house officers on the sea-coasts, and at the a deduction should be made for those ac. mouths of the rivers.-On the 16th of last tually at the disposal of France in Spain; month, I received, through the Chargé and also, that the necessary time should be d'Affaires of his Majesty the Emperor, an given for the maritime armament. Ieven assurance, that it was by no means his in- continued to flatter myself, that the treaty tention to occupy Amsterdam; and this would be mitigated. I have deceived my led me to hope that a treaty, the condi- self; and, if the absolute devotion which tions of which had been imposed by his I manifested for the discharge of my du Majesty the Emperor himself, would be tics on the 1st of April last, has served strictly observed, and be in no respect in- only to drag on, or to prolong, the exist fringed upon. Unfortunately my error ence of the country for three months, I was not of long duration. When I re- have the cruelly painful satisfaction, but ceived a communication, that 20,000 the only one I can now have, that I have French troops were assembling in Utrecht performed my duty to the last; and that, if and its environs, notwithstanding the ex- I may be permitted so to express myself, treme penury and embarrassment of our I have carried my sacrifices for the exist finances, I consented to furnish them with ence, and what I conceived to be the wel provisions, and other necessaries; though fare of the country, to an unjustifiable exthe treaty stipulates that only 6,000 men tent. But after the submission and resigshall be maintained at the expence of nation of the 1st of April, I should be exHolland. But I was apprehensive that tremely culpable if I could rest satisfied the assembling of this force would dis- with the title of King, being no longer but close other intentions unfavourable to our an instrument; and no longer commandgovernment; and accordingly, I did not ing, not only in the country, but even in fail to receive, the day before yesterday, my capital; and soon, perhaps, not even June 29th, official information that his in my own palace. I should, neverthe Majesty the Emperor insisted upon occu- less, be witness to every thing that should pying Amsterdam, and establishing the be done, without the power of doing any head-quarters of the French army in this thing for my people; responsible for all capital-In this situation, gentlemen, you events, without being able to prevent, or cannot doubt, that I should have resigned to influence them. I should have expos myself to suffer for my people new humi- ed myself to the complaints of both sides, liations, could I have entertained the hope and perhaps have occasioned great misof preventing new calamities; but I could fortunes; by doing which, I should have no longer deceive myself. I assented to betrayed my conscience, my people, and the treaty dictated by France, under the my duty! I have for a long time foreseen conviction that those parts of it that were the extremity to which I am now reduced, disagreeable to the nation and myself, but I could not have prevented it without would not be enforced; and that, satisfied sacrificing my most sacred duties-withwith that self-denial, if I may so speak, out ceasing to have at heart the interest of which is the result of this treaty, every my people and without ceasing to con

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nect my fate with that of the country. | unhappy even than I am, if possible, could This I could not do! Now that Holland is I imagine that you would not do justice to reduced to this condition, I have, as King my intentions. May the end of my career of Holland, but one course to take, and prove to the nation and to you, that I that is, to abdicate the throne in favour of have never deceived you; that I have my children. Any other course would had but one aim-the true interest of the have only augmented the misfortunes of country; that the faults I may have commy reign. I should have, with deep re-mitted are solely to be ascribed to my zeal, which led me to aim at not what was absolutely the greatest good, but the best that could be attained under all the difficulties of existing circumstances. I had never calculated upon governing a nation so interesting, but so difficult to govern, as yours. Be pleased, gentlemen, to be my advocates with the nation, and cherish a confident attachment to the Prince Royal, who will deserve it, if I may judge from his good disposition. The Queen has the same interests as myself. I cannot, Gentlemen, conclude, without recommending to you, in the most earnest manner, and in the name of the interest and of the existence of so many families, whose lives and property would be infallibly compromised, to receive the French with the attention, with the kindness and the cordiality which is due to the brave troops of the first nation in the world; to your friends, to your allies, who consider obedience as the first of duties, but who cannot fail to esteem the more, the more they become acquainted with it, a nation brave, industrious, and worthy of esteem under every consideration.-In whatever place I may terminate my existence, the name of Holland, and the most lively prayers for its happiness, will be my last words, and occupy my last thoughts.

gret, discharged that tender duty; and I should perhaps have seen the peaceful inhabitants, too often the victims of the quarrels of government, ruined at one blow. How could the idea of any sort of resistance have entered my mind? My children, born Frenchmen like myself, would have seen the blood of their fellow countrymen shed in a just cause, but one which might nevertheless be supposed to be exclusively mine. I had therefore but one course to adopt.-My brother, so violently irritated against me, is not so against my children; and doubtless he will not destroy what he has done, and deprive them of their inheritance; since he has not, nor can have, any subject of complaint against this child, who will not, for a long time to come, reign himself. His Mother, to whom the regency appertains by the constitution, will do every thing that shall be agreeable to the Emperor, my Brother, and will succeed better than myself, who have had the misfortune never to be successful in my endeavours of that kind; and at the conclusion of a maritime peace, perhaps before, my brother, knowing the state of things in this country, the esteem its inhabitants merit, how much their welfare accords with the interests well understood of his empire, will do for this country all it has a right to expect, as the reward of its numerous sacrifices to France, of its fidelity, and the interest with which

LOUIS NAPOLEON. Haarlem, July 1, 1810.

July 22, 1810.

it cannot fail to inspire those who judge SPAIN AND PORTUGAL.-From the Moniteur, of it without prejudice. Perhaps I am the only obstacle to the reconciliation of this country with France; and should that be so, I might find some kind of consclation in dragging out the remainder of a wandering and a languishing life at a distance from the first objects of my whole affection-this good people, and my son. These are my principal motives; there are others equally powerful with respect to which I must be silent, but they will easily be divined.-The Emperor, my brother, must feel that I could not act otherwise. Though strongly prejudiced against me, he is great, and when his irritation subsides, cannot but be just.-As to you, Gentlemes, I should be much more

The English newspapers never were so full of false news as they have been for these fifteen days past; the reason is, that the English people were never more uneasy; that the English government never stood more in need of deceiving them respecting the mad system which they follow, of wishing to struggle alone on the continent with France! The good sense of the English nation enables them to foresee the dishonour and destruction of their army in Portugal; they are convinced that the most fortunate event which could befal that army would be a catastrophe like that of Moore, The English

copy libels on the insurrection, and wind themselves into every possible shape in order to induce the nation to believe, that the French armies in Spain are but a confused crowd without discipline; discou

are too much accustomed to calculate chances and events not to know that alone against France, they can, in such a contest, ineet with only disasters, and obtain only disgrace. Men of sound judgment, like Grenville or Grey, are numerous inraged or incapable to act as soldiers, and England; but they are at present without any influence.

Ministers, therefore, not being able to change the public opinion, endeavour to deceive the people. For instance it is said that General Sebastiani has capitulated: this report is soon contradicted; but it is not the less repeated in a thousand different ways; at one time it was a mule-driver, at another it was the master of a ship which had arrived at Cadiz, who brought these great news!!!-They also wish to occupy the minds of the people about the army of Lord Wellington; this army, it is said, amounting to the 'dreadful number of 24,000 English! has arrived at such a state of discipline, and the soldiers have so much confidence in their Commander in Chief, that they will be able to beat 70,000 Frenchmen; for it is proved that a British soldier is, for courage, worth at least four French grenadiers! →→

The French army says nothing; but it has invested Ciudad Rodrigo, opened the trenches, and is battering in breach. The cries of the inhabitants of Ciudad Rodrigo are heard in Lord Wellington's camp, which is only six leagues distant; but all ears are shut against them. It was thus that the inhabitants of Madrid endeavoured to move. Gen. Moore by their cries; but he also shut his ears against them, and Madrid was taken in his sight. And it was thus that very lately the inhabitants of Seville and Andalusia called their most faithful allies to their assistance, and that Wellesley answered them, according to the constant custom of his country, Get out of the scrape the best way you can!

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The following particulars respecting the affairs of Spain are positive:-That the French and English armies are in sight of each other on the frontiers of Portugal. That in this situation the French are besieging Ciudad Rodrigo; That the English do not attempt any thing towards giving succour to that city; and that after all their boasting, they will be the laughing stock of Europe, if it is captured within the reach of their cannon. The editors of the English newspapers turn and twist themselves in a thousand different ways; they intercept letters,

commanded by chiefs who are ignorant and without any experience: that the only good troops are those of which the English, Portuguese and Spanish armies consist: but while all this is proclaiming by them, the French armies are in sight of the English army, capturing Astorga, besieging Ciudad Rodrigo, Badajoz and Cadiz; capturing in Catalonia and Arragon, Lerida, Mequinenza and Hostalrich; the French army in Arragon is besieging Tortosa, and that in Catalonia, Tarragona. The French armies are carrying on five great sieges, and have just terminated five others; they occupy the provinces of Spain from the North to the South, and from the East to the West, and they every where repress the robberies which are excited by the intrigues of England.

This necessity felt by the English of deceiving the public respecting the real situation of things, leads them a great way; they published pretended letters from the Emperor Napoleon to the former Queen of the Two Sicilies; ridiculous letters, in which the Emperor Napoleon is represented as making numberless apologies to that furious woman; and while they are printing such absurdities, their cannon of alarm is resounding throughout Sicily! and the Neapolitan navy are covering themselves with glory in the presence of their king, by beating the AngloSicilian fleet.

Respecting the affairs of the continent, they publish at one time, that they are going to have peace with Russia; that a war between France and Russia is going to break out, and that a new coalition is about to be formed; at another that the Emperor Napoleon is forming such or such a project against the tranquillity of Russia, &c.

The great Powers of the Continent are daily drawing tighter the knot by which they are united; they are daily becoming more convinced of the folly of fighting for the English. When Ciudad Rodrigo is captured, the catastrophe will be more imminent for England, and it will then be necessary to call to the helm of the state men who are more prudent, and who are better acquainted with the nature of the resources and of the strength of

their country, and therefore more moderate. Such men will be sensible of the urgent necessity of liquidating the national debt, of calming their passions, and of giving peace to the world. But never will such results be obtained from presumptuous and ignorant men, who mistake what is well known by every coffee-house waiter in Europe, viz. the influence of the English at sea, and their weakness on land!

AMERICA. Correspondence between the Marquis Wellesley and Mr. Pinckney, and between General Armstrong and Mr. Se cretary Smith.

Gen. Armstrong to the Duke of Cadore.

(Continued from p. 96.)

of France, and French ships from coming into those of the United States? And why this prohibition? To avoid injury ant insult: to escape that lawlessness, which is declared to be a forced consequence of the Decrees of the British Council.” If then its object be purely defensive, what are its means? Simply a law, previously and generally promulgated, ope rating solely within the territory of the United States, and punishing alike the infractors of it, whether citizens of the said States, or others. And what is this but the exercise of a right, common to all nations, of excluding, at their will, fo reign commerce, and of enforcing that exclusion? Can this be deemed a wrong to France? Can this be regarded as a legitimate cause of reprisal on the part of a power, who makes it the first duty of nations to defend their sovereignty, and who: even denationalizes the ships of those who will not subscribe to the opinion?But it has been said that the United States had nothing to complain of against France." Was the capture and condemnation of a ship, driven on the shores of France by stress of weather, and the perils of the sea

On receiving this information two questions suggested themselves.-1. Whether this decision was or was not extended to ships as well as to cargoes and 2. Whether the money arising from the sales which might be made under it, would, or would not, be subject to the issue of the pending negociation? The Gentleman charged with the delivery of your message not having been instructed to answer-nothing? Was the seizure and sequesthese questions, it becomes my duty to present them to your Excellency, and to request a solution of them. Nor is it a less duty on my part, to examine the grounds on which his Majesty has been pleased to take this decision, which I understand to be that of reprisal, suggested for the first time in the note you did me the honour to write to me on the 14th ultimo. In the 4th paragraph of this note, it is said, that " his Majesty could not have calculated on the measures taken by the United States, who, having no grounds ef complaint against France, have comprised her in their acts of exclusion, and since the month of May last, have prohibited the entry into their ports of French vessels, by subjecting them to confisca tion."-It is true that the United States have since the 20th of May last forbidden the entry of French vessels into their harbours; and it is also true that the penalty of confiscation attaches to the violation of this law. But in what respect does this offend France? Will she refuse to us the right of regulating commerce within our own ports? Or will she deny that the law in question is a regulation merely municipal? Examine it both as to object and means-what does it more than forbid American ships from going into the ports

tration of many cargoes brought to France in ships violating no law, and admitted to regular entry at the Imperial customhouses-nothing? Was the violation of our maritime rights, consecrated as they have been by the solemn forms of a public treaty-nothing? In a word, was it no thing that our ships were burnt on the high seas, without any other offence than that of belonging to the United States; ors other apology than was to be found in the enhanced safety of the perpetrator? Surely if it be the duty of the United States to: resent the theoretical usurpations of the British Orders of November 1807, it cannot be less their duty to complain of the daily and practical outrages on the part of France! It is indeed true, that were the people of the United States destitute of policy, of honour, and of energy (as has been insinuated), they might have adopted a system of discrimination between the two great belligerents; they might have drawn imaginary lines between the first and second aggressor; they might have resented in the one a conduct to which they tamely submitted in the other, and in this way have patched up a compromise between honour and interest equally weakand disgraceful. But such was not the course they pursued, and it is perhaps a

necessary consequence of the justice of be examined; and with regard to it I their measures that they are at this day may observe, that if the alleged fact which an independent nation. But I will not forms this reason be unfounded, the reason press this part of my subject; it would be itself fails, and the right with it. In this affrontful to your Excellency (knowing as view of the business I may be permitted you do, that there are not less than one to enquire, when and where any seizure hundred Anierican ships within his Ma- of a French vessel has taken place under jesty's possession or that of his allies) to the non-intercourse law? and at the same multiply proofs that the United States time to express my firm persuasion, that have grounds of complaint against France. no such seizure has been made: a persua-My attention is necessarily called to sion founded alike on the silence of the another part of the same paragraph, which Government and of the journals of the immediately follows the quotation al-country, and still more on the positive deready made::-"As soon," says your Ex-claration of several well-informed and cellency, "as his Majesty was informed respectable persons, who have left Ameof this measure (the non-intercourse law), rica as late as the 20th of December last. it became his duty to retaliate upon the My conclusion therefore is-that no American vessels not only within his own French vessel having violated the law, no territories, but also in the countries under seizure of such vessel has occurred, and his influence. In the ports of Holland, that the report, which has reached Paris, Spain, Italy, and Naples, the American is probably founded on a circumstance alvessels have been seized, because the together unconnected with the non-interAmericans seized French vessels." course law or its operation.

These remarks divide themselves into the following heads:

Though far from wishing to prolong this letter, I cannot close it without remarking 1st, The right of his Majesty to seize the great and sudden change wrought in and condemn American vessels within his his Majesty's sentiments with regard to own territories. 2d. The right to do so the defensive system adopted by the Uniwithin the territories of his allies; and, ted States. The law, which is now be 3d. The reason" of that right, viz. "be-lieved to furnish ground for reprisal, was cause Americans had seized French ves-communicated to his Majesty in June or sels." July last, and certainly did not then ex

The first of these subjects has been al-cite any suspicion of feelings unfriendly ready examined; and the second must be to the American Government. Far from decided like the first, since his Majesty's this, its communication was immediately rights within the limits of his ally cannot followed by overtures of accommodation, be greater than within his own. If then which, though productive of no possible it has been shewn, that the Non-inter-arrangement, did not make matters worse course Law was merely defensive in its than they found them.

which continue to govern his Majesty's policy in relation to the United States, and in this we do not find the slightest trace of complaint against the provisions of the law in question.

object; that it was but intended to guard On the 22d of August last I was hoagainst that state of violence which un-noured with a full exposition of the views happily prevailed; that it was restricted and principles which had governed, and in operation to the territory of the United States, and that it was duly promulgated there and in Europe before execution, it will be almost unnecessary to repeat, that a law of such description cannot authorise a measure of reprisal, equally sudden and At a period later than the 22d of Ausilent in its enactment and application, gust, an American ship, destined to a port founded on no previous wrong, productive in Spain, was captured by a French priof no previous complaint, and operating vateer. An appeal was made to his Mabeyond the limits of his Majesty's terri-jesty's Minister of War, who, having subtories, and within those of Sovereigns, who mitted the case, received orders to liberate had even invited the commerce of the all American vessels destined to Spanish United States to their ports. ports which had not violated the Imperial Decrees.

It is therefore the third subject only, the reason of the right, which remains to

(To be continued.)

Published by R. BAGSHAW, Brydges-Street, Covent Garden :-Sold also by J. BUDD, Fall-Mall,

LONDON:-Printed by T. C. Hansard, Peterborough Court, Fleet-Street.