He

THE advantages of biography have been recently stated in our review of Allen's Biographical Dictionary. By referring the reader to our prefatory remarks on that article, we save him and ourselves the trouble of repetition. The author of this volume has some qualifications and means for the execution of such a work, which few others possess. was born in the metropolis of New-England; was educated at Cambridge; and had the instruction of a father,* who was thoroughly acquainted with the civil, ecclesiastical, and literary char. acters and affairs of our country. He was early settled as pastor of one of the respectable churches in the capital; and has been more than thirty years on the stage of public life. With these opportunities of improvement, together with an inquisitive turn of mind, and social disposition, he could not but obtain many notices of men and things, which either would not come within the view, or would escape the observation, of others. His local situation was not less favorable for the procurement of written documents towards such a work, than for "catching" characters and manners "living as they rise."

"His taste always led him to collect curious manuscripts and ancient books; he was favored with many letters of the Hutchinson and Oliver families; and had free access to the books and manuscripts of the Massachuchusetts Historical Society." It

* Rev. ANDREW ELIOT, D.D. See that article in the Dictionary.

the materials, from which this work is composed, long engaged the author's attention; a circumstance obviously of high im. portance to its copiousness and correctness. "He has mostly written from one general mass of information, which he has been many years in collecting; but where he has been indebted for principal facts he has pointed to the main source of his intelli gence."

With what success his diligence of research and labor of compilation have been attended, a favorable opinion might be formed from the testimony of a very respectable historian. Dr. Miller, in his Retrospect of the Eighteenth Century, [II. 384. ],

acknowledges his obligations to his friend, the Rev. Dr. ELIOT, of Boston, for a large portion of the information he is able to give respecting the literature of Massachusetts. From a mind so well stored on the subject of American antiquities, he might have drawn more ample materials, had application been made early enough to admit of a leisurely attention to the object."

Much then there was a right to expect. Much is actually accomplished. The writer has managed his materials "in his own way," and produced a work, which has no small claims to originality. He is no copyist. Having long revolved in his own mind the chaotic mass, that he had gradually accumulated, he has at length given it the shape and coloring, which he saw fit. The work has internal evidence, that the author was familiarly ac. quainted with his subject. He is always "at home." When he is describing the first fathers of

New-England, he writes like one, who lived in the days of other years;" when he treats of recent characters and events, he writes, we do not say like one, 66 quorum pars magna fui" (for he is no egotist ;) but like one, who has been an attentive observer. Whoever is desirous of seeing New-Englandmen, in the costume of the times in which they lived, and New-England principles and manners, as drawn from original sources, may here be gratified.

The

In regard to the manner in which this work is executed; if there is much to commend, there is not a little to censure. characters are drawn with fidelity. Pious men are not exhibit. ed as devoid of passions, common to human beings; patriots, as impatient to die for their country; literary men as sublimated into pure intellect; nor any characters, as immaculate. Though pre-eminent among their contemporaries, and entitled to ever. lasting remembrance, they not only die, but live, like men. While their virtues excite emulation; their imperfections administer caution, and teach the important lesson of humility. Whatever are the author's theo. logical or political sentiments, he is entitled to the praise of treating the diversified characters of men with christian candor and historical justice.

Of the style of this work, it is with regret that we find ourselves unable to speak in like commendation. In the selection of words "the wells of English undefiled" have not been sedulously frequented; in the structure of sentences, the lucidus ardo of Horace has not been

to

heedfully regarded; in the formation of periods, the organ of hearing has not been critically consulted. The composition is too colloquial. It may be com. pared, as the author compares old Mr. Wilson's sermons, a good kind of talking." Priscian might sometimes complain; Quinctilian, often. The lime labor of the ancients seems designedly left to other literary drudges. The antiquary has dug good marble from the quarry, and contented himself to deliver it to the artist roughly hewn. "Non omnia possumus omnes."

Were we to pass by palpable inaccuracies, it might be supposed we did not discern them. But confession disarms criticism. The enormous collection of errata in the last page of volume would incline us to an indulgent sentence on an author, who thus pleads guilty; but, whether he should be recommended to mercy, is a nice and difficult question. Many of the errors are typographical; and, had the work been written in Sanscrit, and printed at Calcutta, we should have considered it but just, to transfer responsibility for this part of the execution, from the author to the printer. Did the confession include all the errors, we might have been softened in to compassion, and not able to withhold absolution. Had the uncorrected errors been few, we might have had resolution enough to attempt their correction; but finding them

Thick as autumnal leaves that strew the brooks In Vallombrosa,

THE death of governor TRUMBULL was a national calamity. All who knew him (and who was ignorant of his character?) acknowledged his worth. Even those who differed from him with respect to some of his opin. ions, could not fail of recognize ing in him an unusual share of personal excellence, and doing homage to his talents and virtues as a statesman, a patriot, and a man. We rejoice that one who held so high a place in the list of American worthies, has found a eulogist so entirely qualified to do justice to his well earned reputation.

This discourse is founded on Psalm xxxvii. 37, Mark the perfect man, and behold the upright, for the end of that man is peace. The explanation of the text is despatched in less than four pages. The remainder of the sermon is taken up with the character of the deceased, which is delineated with a strong, discriminating, and masterly hand. And the whole displays that justness of sentiment, vigor of thinking, and correctness style, which the public have so often received, and so long been taught to expect from president DWIGHT. We pronounce this one of the best productions of that gentleman's pen.

of

The traits of character by which governor TRUMBULL was distinguished, and which Dr. DWIGHT selects as the particu lar objects of eulogy, are, the practical cast of his mind-his prudence-his firmness-his attachment to the manners and institutions of his native Statehis attachment to the religious system of our ancestors-and his piety. Each of these traits is ably and strikingly illustrated.

In exhibiting the practical character of governor T.'s mind, the following passages occur.

"To the human mind there are three scenes of employment, in which, at times, it has acquired the distinction, customa the field of speculation; and the field of rily termed greatness: the field of fancy; action. The first is peculiarly the province of the Sculptor, the Painter, and the Poet. The Philosopher occupies the second; and the Orator claims them both. The third is peculiarly the scene of effort to the Hero, the Statesman, and the Patriot. It is scarcely necessary to observe, that these remarks are made iu a comparative sense only; or that, in greater or less degrees, fancy, reason, and action, are common to all men.

"The end of all thought is action and the whole value of thought consists in

this; that it is the proper, and the only, means of accomplishing this end. He therefore, who is employed in acting virtuously, and usefully, fills a nobler sphere of being, than he, who is busied in that course of thinking, from which the action is derived. The proof of this assertion is complete, in the maxim, that the end is always of more importance than the means.

It is a remarkable characteristic of human nature, that few speculative men become eminentlyuseful in the active spheres of life. Habits of speculation, long continued, and extended far, render the mind unfit for those vigorous efforts of activity, by which alone the practical concerns of mankind are prosperously managed. Speculative men, also, occupy most of their time, and thoughts, in devising, and establishing, general principles. Active men are chiefly employed in those details of business, which are indispensable to its success and without which general principles are matters of mere amusement. Of these details almost all speculative men are impatient. Such men at the same time interweave, of course, their own theoretical views in every scheme of business, with which

they are concerned. The energy of their minds is also employed, and exhausted, on their speculations; while the active business, to which they are destined, and ought to be devoted, engages only their feebler efforts: the dregs, the settlings of their thoughts. From these causes, and others connected with them, it arises, that a theoretical man is always a bad ruler. To such men, however, there is often attached no small splendor of reputation. Whenever this is the fact, and they are raised to important offices of government, they regularly disappoint, and mortify, their admir ers. Their official life is unproductive, inefficacious, and, with regard to the business which they are expected to do, lazy Their views are visionary; and their designs, however well intended, totally unsuited to the objects, at which they professedly aim. Men they regard, not as they are, but as their imagination

has fashioned them; and the world, not

as we actually find it, but as it is viewed by an excursive fancy. Hence their plans, instead of being fitted to promote the real welfare of nian, are only a collection of waking dreams; a course of political Quixotism; regulating the affairs of a state in much the same manner, as the adventures of Amadis de Gaul would regulate those of a private individual.

"The excellent person, whom we are contemplating, was a direct contrast to all

from the beginning, accustomed to the various business of man, and sharpened in his discernment of practical subjects by the actual management of them, and by a long continued intercourse with those who were skilled in that management, he was habitually trained to that patient attention, that critical observation, and that skilful conduct, which are so useful and so indispensable, in all business of real importance. By observing, watch fully, every thing which was useful, and every thing which was noxious, in public affairs; the measures which ensured, and the measures which failed of, suc cess; he learned, in an unusual degree, the manner, in which success is obtained. Of this position his political life furnishes the most decisive proof. Not a single visionary measure, not a capricious ex pedient, not a fetch, not a whim, disfig ures his public character, or presents a subject for a single disgraceful sentence in his political history. The story is all of one sort; and is told in one style.

When he entered upon his public life, he struck a key; and moved in exact harmony with it to the end.

As his character was thus wise, and uniform; so it was eminently honora ble. To the subjects, which have been mentioned, he gave the whole vigor of his mind. He was engrossed by them, as a Poet by the theme of his song; or the man of taste by the improvement of his villa. In all the successive spheres which he filled, his life, and his measures, were eminently useful; and deserved, and gained, the approbation of his own mind, and that of his country"

We have always considered the "

'steady habits" of NewEngland as the offspring of the religious principles which dis tinguished our ancestors. And of course we have ever regarded such of their descendants as abandon and oppose those prin. ciples, as chargeable with deadly hostility against the civil welfare of their country. To hear a modern Socinian praise the habits and institutions of our forefathers, while he ridicules their theological creed, mani fests a grossness and hardihood of inconsistency, which one would scarcely expect to find

reflection. Such a man is a more dangerous enemy of New. England than the wildest political visionary that ever labored to undermine her constitutions and laws. When the children of the puritans shall have gener. ally rejected those principles which entered so essentially into the formation of the char. acter of their fathers, they may boast of their descent, and celebrate anniversaries; but their glory will have departed! The following extracts appear to us to contain sentiments so just, so important, and so well expressed, that we cannot forbear to present them, at full length.

"The literary world has been filled with discourses concerning republics, and their various appendages. In other countries, as well as in this, the press has been loaded with observations concerning republican forms of government, republican rights, republican institutions, republican virtues, and republican manners. Either these subjects are very imperfectly understood; or multitudes of those, who converse, and write, about them, can hardly be acquitted of sinister designs Their practice and their declarations certainly have, in ma

ny

instances, very little accordance. The state of Connecticut is more absolutely republican, than any other, which for a long period has existed in the world Its constitution of government was originally formed, and established, by the freemen in person. Its laws; its institutions, which are the result of its laws; its manners, which are the effect of both; its virtues; and, I might add, its vices to a great extent, also; together with its rights, duties, and interests, are all entirely republican. A man as such, is, in this state, possessed of more real consequence, than in any other. More than half, I believe not far from three fourths, of its freemen hold, at some period of life, offices either civil or military; and thus actually share in the government of the state. The state is divided, successively, into counties, towns, parishes, and school districts: all of them bodies, holding, in subordination to the legislature, the powers of government over their local affairs; and thus superintending with peculiar felicity every interest,

public and private, of every individual. Here, also, no man, as such, has any other power, beside his mere, bodily strength. All power exists in the law: and this is powerful without any assigna ble limit. But the real power of law itself lies in the fact, that it is actually, and not in pretence only, the public will. Men, here, have generally sufficient intelligence to discern, that government is

essential to their happiness; and to per ceive that their own government is peculiarly auspicious to this desirable object. Hence they feel a real approbation in this case; and exercise a real choice; facts scarcely predicable of the great body of the inhabitants, in most other countries. In this lies the chief

strength of our political system.

"For this system, and all its parts, and consequences, the people of this state, are, under God, indebted to education, and habit. It could not be established, nor, if established, could it be supported, in any other country on the globe; not I apprehend, even in its sister country, Massachusetts. It could not have conie into existence, even in Connecticut, among any other set of men, except those, or such as those, who gave it birth; nor among them, in any circumstances of a different nature. It could not be maintained by any people, except their descendants.

At the same time, it is, at least in my own view, the best government, which has hitherto existed. I do not intend, nor am I so ignorant as to believe, that any form of government is good in the abstract; or good for every people; but lintend, that under this government the inhabitants are, and even have been, more free and happy, than any other people ever were, since the beginning of time; and that their government is, at once, suited to their character, and the means of their happiness. It has, indeed, lost something, in modern times, of its former excellence: but it still retains more that is valuable, than can be found elsewhere; and more, than, if once lost, will ever be regained.

"As these mighty advantages have been preserved, hitherto, by the power of habit; and as habit depends for all its power on custom, and continual repetition; it is evident, beyond a question, that he, who loves this state; or who, in other words, is a Connecticut Patriot: will equally love its laws, institutions, and manners. Such a patriot was the late Governor Trumbull. It was from these views, that he set that high price on the "steady habits" of this state; for which he has been sometimes censured by per.. sons, who, probably, had little considered the subject: while he has been ap