HIS REPLY TO AN INVITATION TO SAXONY. 163 distance, could not fail to strike the objects of his admonitions. "If he makes such strenuous professions," said they, "why does he not come hither, and show us how to behave? He resembles the leaders of armies, who incite the common soldiers to the attack, while they themselves stand out of harm's reach." To this Calvin replies by putting himself on a par with the Apostles, who exhorted their followers to bear with constancy the loss of their fortunes, and even death itself. "Somebody," he exclaims, "may object that the Apostles did not escape persecution; and that they were thereby entitled to require others to suffer what they actually underwent themselves. I answer that the Apostles used frequently to exhort to patience and fortitude those churches which they had themselves deserted for fear of danger.' Such an answer savors more of spiritual pride than of the courage of a martyr. It should be stated, however, that Calvin is profuse enough of his assertions that he should be ready to sacrifice even life itself for the glory of God. 2 "1 As the letter which Calvin wrote in reply to the application which had been made to him to undertake a journey into Saxony, for the purpose of consulting Luther and Melancthon on this subject, affords some glimpses of his situation at this time, especially with regard to pecuniary matters, we shall insert some portion of it here. In it he says: "I have hesitated for some time whether I should accede to the request contained in your last letter. The journey is a long and difficult one. A mounted courier can not accomplish it under twenty days; and it would be dangerous to send any person indiscriminately. I can not trust carriers or couriers, and few else are to be found. The journey would be an exceedingly difficult one for a person ignorant of the language; and the expenses every where exorbitant, on account of the bad harvest. I am, too, by no means well supplied with money. Even in favorable seasons my income barely suffices to meet the charges I am at; and from the scarcity with which we have had to struggle during the last two years, I have been compelled to get into debt. I do not say this, however, by way of complaint; for, through the mercy of God, I have as much as contents me: but I would have you understand that I can not easily find persons here from whom to borrow. They are all merchants, and moreover, needy ones. The sea 1 Calvin, Opera, viii., 448, A. Amst. ed. 2 It is published in Beza's collection, without date, or name of the party addressed (Ep. 392, Lausanne ed.) son, too, as I have said, is unfavorable for consulting Luther, since he has hardly had time to cool from the heat of controversy. But as you pressed the matter so strongly, I made it my chief care to comply with your request, and have persuaded a young gentleman of tolerable learning to undertake this trouble for my sake. I have translated my books literally into Latin, and sent them with my letters, that they may form their opinion of them. All I ask of them is to tell me freely and candidly what they think; only I added that I should not be pleased if they suffered any considerations for myself to have any weight. My messenger will hardly return before two months are expired. The journey will take forty days; and I allow four days for baiting, and the rest of the time for consultation." CHAPTER VI. Another Pestilence-Conspiracy to spread the Plague-Persecution of the Waldenses-The Libertines, or Patriots-Number and Privileges of the Refugees-Case of Pierre Ameaux-Calvin's Despotism-PriestcraftStruggles with the Libertines-Ami Perrin-Calvin menaced—Affair of Gruet-Perrin imprisoned-Disturbances-Perrin disgraced-Attempts at Accommodation-Calvin embroiled with the Council-Perrin restored and elected Syndic. IN 1545 Geneva again experienced a severe visitation of the plague, whither it had been brought by some Swiss soldiers in the service of France, who were passing into Italy.1 Its horrors were enhanced by a diabolical conspiracy, formed with the purpose of spreading the disorder by artificial means, in order to profit by the spoils of the dead. A suspicion of such conspiracies has frequently accompanied similar visitations. The minds of men, terrified and prostrated by the ravages of a disorder whose source is inscrutable, were disposed to assign them to some visible agent. Already, during the former visitation in 1543, plots of this kind had been suspected; and individuals had been subjected to torture in order to extort a confession, but without effect. That such a conspiracy really existed on the present occasion can not, however, be doubted; even some of the overseers and other persons connected with the Lazaretto were implicated in it. A man named Lentille, who had been servant to a former master of the hospital, and who, according to Spon, only practiced what he had learned from him, began to spread the plague by means of linen which had touched the bodies of those who had died of the disorder: for which purpose he had gained over the greater part of the women who cleaned and perfumed the furniture of the dead. The conspirators engaged in this plot bound themselves by horrible oaths to poison all whom the disorder spared in its natural course. Among the women who were privy to it, the disease went by the familiar 1 Spon, ii., 42. 2 J. Goulaz accusé d'avoir semé la peste a enduré sept estrapades et le tourment des Bujegnins sans rien avouer; on le gardera encore en prison, puis l'on avisera."-Régistres, 27 Avril, 1543. "L'on soupçonne que de nuit il y a des empoisonneurs qui sement la peste par la ville. Ordonné d'en parler à M. Henri portier de la Tartasse."--Régistres, 8 Juin, 1543. P. Heury, ii., 414. 66 name of "Clauda." Their usual greeting was, "How goes Clauda ?" The answer was either, "She is quite asleep," or if some fresh house had been attacked, She goes finely; she fares well in such and such a place." Without inquiring whether or not it was owing to the means adopted by the conspirators, it is certain that the ravages were frightful. Geneva was decimated: two thousand died out of a population of twenty thousand. The belief in a conspiracy was not confined to the mere populace, but was partaken by the higher classes, and even by Calvin himself. In a letter to Myconius, March 27th, A 1545,' Calvin says: "The Lord tries us wonderfully. little while ago a conspiracy of men and women was discovered, who, for these last three years, have been spreading the pest in the city by I know not what incantations. Fifteen women have been burned already; and some men, after being fearfully tortured, have made away with themselves in prison. Twenty-five still remain prisoners; and yet the conspirators continue every day to smear the locks of the houses with their ointment. Such are the dangers which surround us; but God hath as yet preserved our house unhurt, though it hath been several times attempted." And in another letter to Farel on the 25th of April," he says: 'What should I tell you about the poisonings? You have Weber with you, who can tell you the whole story more plainly than I can in a letter. The simplicity shown by Renat from the beginning has puzzled us a good deal. It is strange that he who was so steadfast under torture should have been overcome by a mere promise, on hearing that I had procured his pardon from the council. His wife confessed that she had killed eighteen men by her infernal arts, and he four or five.” Altogether, seven men and twenty-one women were burned alive for this offense. The husbands of three women were banished. Jean Lentille died of the consequences of his torture; and the physician of the Lazaretto and two assistants were quartered. Nevertheless this singular crime continued to flourish at Geneva; which obtained such a reputation for it, that, in 1565, the year after Calvin's death, a simple countryman came thither to purchase the far-famed ointment from the seigneurs, or council, themselves! He wanted, he said, to be revenged on the people of the Duke of Nemours, who had stolen his daughter; and she had told him that she was sure 1 P. Henry, ii., 416, from a Geneva MS. PERSECUTION OF THE WALDENSES. 167 the council would let him have the poison if he asked for it secretly. The poor old man being brought before the syndics added much more that plainly showed he was crazy. Nevertheless, Colladon, who had been Calvin's assistant in his legal reforms, declared for the torture forte et ferme. The unlucky purchaser was indicted under three heads: poisoning, calumniating the Genevese council, and being in league with the devil; and was burned on the Molard in pursuance of his sentence.1 Calvin's apprehensions that a persecution was hanging over the Waldenses were now on the point of being verified. Excited by the progress of Luther's Reformation, the Waldenses had taken heart, and begun to show themselves more openly; and had even engaged some German doctors to be their ministers. In 1530 they had sent two of their pastors to Ecolampadius at Basle, to Bucer and Capito at Strasburgh, and to Berthold Haller at Berne, to submit their doctrines to them for approval or correction. It is curious to find these simple men, who held their faith by tradition, thus consulting those who had adopted nearly the same tenets by dint of study and learning. What most perplexed them was Luther's doctrine of predestination; for they themselves held, like Erasmus, for free will. Ecolampadius very sensibly advised them to leave this controversy alone. He also gave them a letter of recommendation to Bucer; from which, however, it would appear that he considered them rather tedious; for he advises him, if he did not wish to lose his time in a great many conversations, to cut the matter short by approving what he (colampadius) had already written. Their movements at length attracted the attention of the authorities, and they were cited to appear before the parliament of Aix; but not answering on the third citation, Bartholomew Cassané, the president of the parliament had, in November, 1540, passed the following atrocious sentence upon them: That the heads of families should be burned, and their wives, children, and property confiscated; that Merindol, their chief town, should be razed; their gardens, woods, and plantations be destroyed, and the caves in which they took refuge be blocked up. It was thought advisable, however, to suspend the execution of this sentence till the king's wishes should be ascertained; though 1 P. Henry, ii., 418. 2 Their address to Ecolampadius, explaining their creed, discipline, and rites, will be found in Gerdesius, ii., 402, and in an abridged form in Ruchat, ii., 320. 3 Gerdesius, ii., 418. |