DECREE OF BANISHMENT CONFIRMED.

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ministers in his pocket. His expectations were not deceived. The feeling excited against them was so strong, that, though a few wished to hear their defense, others drew their swords and demanded their death. The decree of banishment was confirmed almost unanimously.*

The severity of this decision seems almost justified by the conduct of Calvin and Farel; but the only parties who acted throughout with good sense and Christian moderation were the council of Berne.

1 "Se venenum nobis letale ferre."-Ib. Henry, l. c. Kirchhofer, i., 249. 2 Ruchat, v., 85.

CHAPTER III.

Calvin proceeds to Basle-Accepts a Ministry at Strasburgh-Writes to the Church of Geneva-Attends a Diet at Frankfort-His pecuniary Difficulties His Marriage-Literary Labors at Strasburgh-Caroli againDiets of Hagenau and Worms-Diet of Ratisbon-State of Parties at Geneva-The new Pastors despised-Disorders-Negotiations for Calvin's Restoration-He reluctantly returns to Geneva.

On hearing the decision of the general assembly, Calvin and Farel, who had stopped at a little distance from Geneva, returned to Berne, and, after a short stay at that place, proceeded to Basle. This journey they made on horseback in the most unfavorable weather; and in crossing a torrent swollen by the rains, were nearly swept away. The cordiality of their reception at Basle made them some amends for their past misfortunes. Calvin's old acquaintance, Grynæus, received him on terms of the most friendly intimacy; while Farel took up his abode in the house of Oporinus the printer. Here they determined to abide till Providence should open out some new course to them. Viret's friendship induced him to pay them a visit, though they had begged him not to do so, lest he should expose himself to the risk of giving offense.1 Through his influence, and that of Christopher Fabri, Farel was offered the ministry of Neufchâtel, the inhabitants of which place gratefully remembered his former labors among them but the troubles and dangers through which he had recently passed had damped even his ardor; and at first he felt disinclined to accept the offer. He foresaw nothing but difficulties in his future course, and was disposed to dedicate himself to the more peaceful pursuits of literature. At the exhortation, however, of his friends, seconded by the representations of some of the German churches, he was at length induced to accept the offer made to him, but with the stipulation that he should be empowered to introduce his scheme of church discipline. He accordingly repaired in July to Neufchâtel, after a residence of about seven weeks at Basle." Meanwhile Calvin had received invitations from Bucer to become a minister of the church at Strasburgh. This office

1 Kirchhofer, ii., 3.

2 Ibid., ii., 4.

HE IS OFFERED A MINISTRY AT STRASBURG,

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he at first refused, on the ground that it would oblige him to separate himself from Farel. Bucer, however, and probably others of the Reformed ministers, seem to have thought that the separation of the two friends would prove advantageous. Each was inclined to carry his zeal beyond the bounds of discretion; and when united, they mutually encouraged one another in a line of conduct which impartial observers did not look upon as beneficial to the Church. From some expressions which we find in a letter from Grynæus, in answer to one which he had received from Calvin about this time, it would seem that the latter felt conscious that his conduct at Geneva had not been altogether justifiable; and that a genuine or affected penitence was one of the reasons which he alleged for not accepting any other ministry at that juncture." But Calvin's real sentiments at this time are best shown in a letter which he addressed to his former colleague Farel. In this he mentions that a person with whom he was in correspondence was in hopes that one of their chief opponents at Geneva (probably Vandel), and the councilors who had been hitherto inimical to them, might perhaps be reconciled if they (Calvin and Farel) would first write them a letter expressing their good will. "This is so ridiculous," he continues, “that Bucer himself makes no account of it. Even suppose such a thing could be hoped, yet how could we begin it? Shall we endeavor to propitiate them as if we were the cause of the quarrel? And though we should not decline to do so, what means will there be of wiping out offenses? For my part I am of opinion that neither what is past can be amended, nor the future properly provided for, in that manner. For though we should confess before God and his people that it is partly through our inexperience, sloth, negligence, and error, that the church committed to us hath so miserably collapsed; yet it is our duty to assert our innocence and purity against those by whose fraud, malice, dishonesty, and wickedness, such ruin hath been brought about. I will therefore willingly acknowledge, before God and all good men, that our ignorance and

1 "Bucer advises that good care should be taken that we be not joined together; as he suspects that we shall mutually impel one another in a course to which each of himself is more than sufficiently inclined.”—Calvin to Farel, Aug. 4th, 1538 (MS. Gen., apud P. Henry, i., 206).

2 "Even admitting that it is by your own grievous fault that the Church of Christ is thus ruined at Geneva; yet that repentance will not be a pious one, by which, in the present dearth of competent ministers, you, who are adorned with so excellent gifts, not for your own benefit but for that of the Church, should reiect the proposed ministry."-Calvin, Epp. et Resp., Ep. 8

carelessness were worthy of such a punishment; but I will never concede that that unhappy church hath fallen through our fault: for in the sight of God we are conscious of the reverse. Nor is there a man who can ascribe to us the smallest portion of blame. Moreover, who does not see that by this conduct we should become a laughing-stock in future? For every one would immediately cry out, that provided we could get restored, we were willing to submit to any disgrace. God, I trust, will open out a better path for our return. For Bucer hath not yet left off writing to Geneva, whose authority they can not well despise, though they will appear to despise it, unless they at length make some concessions to him. His ultimate hope is that even if he does not obtain a conference before next spring, he shall then at least be able to find some remedy. And perhaps the Lord foresees that this is for the best, in order that meanwhile things may come to a greater state of maturity."

From this letter we perceive that Calvin was far from despairing of being ultimately restored to his ministry at Geneva, but that he had made up his mind not to return thither except on his own terms. His "penitence," therefore, for his faults at Geneva, would hardly have been the cause of his refusing a ministry. Nobody will accuse either him or Farel of "ignorance and carelessness" in their conduct-the sole errors which he is ready to acknowledge. Their fault rather lay on the other side: in a desire to be wiser than their brethren, and in an over-care and anxiety that every thing should be carried exactly according to their own wishes. As it appears, from the foregoing letter, that Bucer was interesting himself to obtain their restitution, it is probable that Calvin did not wish to settle in any other place while there was a prospect of his speedy return to Geneva; and that when that was delayed, he was compelled, by pecuniary necessity, to accept the situation which had been offered to him at Strasburgh. By Farel's appointment to Neufchâtel, his scruple about parting from his friend had been removed. But whatever might have been his motives, it is certain that in September, 1538, he had left Basle for Strasburgh. The former town he seems to have quitted precipitately.

Strasburgh was at that time a free and imperial city. The chief ministers of the Reformed Church then settled there were Bucer, Capito, Sturm, Hedio, and Niger, by all of whom Calvin was received with open arms. The council of Stras

Ep. 9.

HE WRITES TO THE CHURCH OF GENEVA.

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burgh appointed him professor of theology, with a moderate salary. He likewise became pastor of a congregation of French refugees in that city, which gave him an opportunity to introduce his discipline in its fullest extent. This church increased wonderfully under his superintendence. A great many French were attracted to Strasburgh by his presence; not only youths, who came for the purpose of instruction, but men of mature age and extensive literary acquirements.2

But Calvin's views were still directed toward Geneva. On the 1st of October he addressed a long epistle to his beloved brother, who composed the "Relics of the Dispersed Church of Geneva."3 In this he compares himself with Daniel, and justifies his conduct by the example of that prophet's conduct toward Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon. "For this," says he, "hath been the conduct of the servants of God in their greatest straits; that, from whatever side evils might threaten them, they always turned their minds toward God and their own sins, so as to impute it to themselves that they were so treated by the Lord. For Daniel knew the wickedness of the king of Babylon, in oppressing and destroying God's people for the sake of gratifying his own selfish avarice, ambition, and lawlessness. He knew, I say, how wrongfully the Jews were treated by that tyrant: nevertheless, he imputes the chief cause to himself and his household (Dan., ix., 5), as he was convinced that the Babylonians could have done nothing against them by their own power. Therefore he properly begins by a confession as well of his own sins as of those of the king and people. But if so great a prophet humbled himself in that manner, let us consider how much reason we have to imitate him. As to what concerns myself personally," he continues, "if I have to plead my cause against the wicked slanderers who would oppress me, I can say, not only that my conscience acquits me before God, but that I have abundant means to purge myself before the whole world. And this I showed sufficiently, when I offered to give an account of my conduct before all, and therefore even before my adversaries. For surely he must be convinced of his right who offers himself for trial in such a manner that, except in his certainty of that right, he must be in all other respects at a disadvantage. But by what I said before of God's judg

1 Ruchat, v., 86.

2 Sturm, Antipappus, iv., 21, quoted by Henry, i., 226.

3 Calvin, Epp. et Resp., Ep. 10. It will be found in the original French in Ruchat, v., App. 4.