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has a vital relation to the economic advantage of the possessing group has long been admitted, but it is only in recent years that we have realized the responsibility of the state to improve the economic status of the wage-earner and toiler. Furthermore, the full product of capital cannot be secured without healthy, contented, and prosperous industrial workers. It is therefore logically the function of the state both to remedy and remove as far as possible every condition which hinders labor from producing to its fullest capacity.

Germany has gone farther in recognizing the relationship which should exist between government and industry than any other nation. Fifteen years ago the industrial growth of Germany astonished the world. It was accompanied by tremendous commercial and colonial expansion. At the time of which we are speaking there were no evidences of want and misery in Germany such as we associate with the East Side in New York or the Hull House district in Chicago. A writer, who is not a sociologist, but an economist, says that before the war there was in Berlin nothing like the American slum; that the visitor saw no signs of degradation and misery in the people on the street and the children running about. How shall we account for this absence of extreme poverty among the working class of Germany? It was undoubtedly because the educational system of Germany went far toward eliminating that class of helpless incapables which is the despair of the charitable societies of England and America. In most German cities it was compulsory for every man to receive instruction in his trade. Germany has never feared paternalism as we do in America, and this may account in part for her great success as an industrial nation.

Since the war, Czechoslovakia has led all other countries of Europe in the emphasis which it has placed on human welfare. It is counted so important that there is a minister of social welfare in the cabinet. Indeed, social policy forms the most characteristic feature of all the legislation of the Czechoslovak republic.

Social workers in this country know about President Masaryck and his daughter, Doctor Alice Masaryck, who are responsible for much of the social spirit of the Czechoslovak republic. The fact is not so well known, however, that when President Masaryck, who was for many years professor of sociology in the University of Prague, was sent as exchange professor to the University of Chicago, he and his daughter Alice came in close personal contact with Miss Jane Addams, one of America's most beloved and outstanding leaders in social work. As a result, something of the spirit and method of our social work has been transmitted to Central Europe.

During the war it was found necessary to establish a very close relationship between government and human welfare. We said repeatedly that our social work was bound to be greatly broadened by this experience. This was true, but the pendulum swung back after the war and much social work was dropped. A necessary development of the post-war period, however, which the national

government could not drop, from motives of patriotism, was the rehabilitation of the disabled soldiers. Many of the state institutions of Minnesota have recently revived their vocational work all along the line, and under a state board for vocational education have undertaken the task of rehabilitating civilians. An emergency measure which the war forced upon us has now become a regular part of the state's activities in social work.

Those who are opposed to the principle of the participation by the state in matters touching human welfare say that we have too many laws now in America. While it is true that there are many laws on our statute books which remain unenforced, nevertheless we cannot depend upon volunteer agencies of a charitable and philanthropic nature to correct existing evils in our social order. Professor John R. Commons has well said:

Voluntary organizations of a charitable and philanthropic nature can do much to correct existing evils, but it is only through political action that the great entrenched wrongs can be wiped out. The power of government is supreme. It is the only force strong enough to cope with the interests of selfishness and greed. The power of the state must be invoked to supplement voluntary effort. Society cannot wait until good will voluntarily percolates through the spirit of greed and avarice.

I like the use of the world "commonwealth" as applied to the state. It emphasizes the spirit of government rather than the method, and signifies that the state exists for the "common weal" of the people.

James Russell Lowell said that the democracy was an experiment. There can be no chartered course over which it must advance. Circumstances and conditions, wars and pestilences, science and invention will all determine its direction in the future. As the pioneer sets his face toward the setting sun to explore the unknown land, not knowing the exact route by which he shall proceed, but keeping his destination in mind, so these forty-eight great political subdivisions which we call states, and which make up the American commonwealth, by experimentation will bring to fruition all the hopes and aspirations of the common man.

My friends, it is a great adventure to which you have put your hands and hearts. It will demand intelligence of the highest order, a stout heart, a great love of humanity, moral courage, and a dauntless spirit.

Have faith in democracy, for democracy connotes the right of the people to rule and relies upon their ability to do so. Democracy, in an industrial age, must seek to know what is just before it exacts what is profitable.

The political conception of democracy is a government of, and by, and for, the people. The ethical and spiritual conception of democracy is that every citizen of this Republic shall have, as far as possible, the fullest opportunity to express the best that is in him.

My friends, believe these things with all your soul, with all your mind, and with all your strength. They are the warp and woof of democracy. Honor them in your private thinking and in your public utterance. "Bind them about thy

neck, and write them upon the tablet of thy heart." Then thou shalt have good



Frederick Starr, University of Chicago (retired), Seattle

I am, of course, not intending to take up the political side of the Japanese problem, nor do I intend to give any attention to the recently passed immigration law. I regret the law because of its race prejudice so clearly shown, and because of the grave consequences which it inevitably involves, and which we can under no circumstances escape.

I am here for a quite different purpose-to discuss the social aspects of the Japanese problem. First, let me say, we have the Japanese with us and they will remain with us. It is a great mistake to think that because an exclusion law has been passed there will no longer be a Japanese population to deal with. It will continue through all time. We shall never get away from it. It is to be hoped we shall deal with it wisely. I will quote a few words from Mr. Gulick, who knows well the political side of this matter. He speaks definitely upon this subject, no matter what law is passed now or in the future. He wrote this five years ago, but on the whole, with one difference, his statement stands very well as he wrote it.

Even if Japanese immigration be completely stopped, it is not likely that the Japanese population will "dwindle away." There are already in California some 15,000 Japanese women of child-bearing age, most of them still young. There are approximately 20,000 Japanese children, of whom presumably one-half are girls who will be married in the course of the next fifteen or twenty years. There are approximately 40,000 men, of whom about 25,000 are not married. Some of these will return to Japan permanently; some will die without marrying. But not a few, becoming prosperous, will go to Japan, find their wives, and return with them to America. There will not be these unmarried men, no matter how prosperous, going back to Japan to get their wives. With that exception what Mr. Gulick says is as true today as when he said it. Continuing, Mr. Gulick says:

Under these circumstances, while it would be foolish to forecast the future Japanese population in any statistical way, it is quite clear that even though Japanese immigration may be completely stopped by federal legislation, Japanese population in America and in California is never likely even to "dwindle." For a decade or two departures and deaths may perhaps balance births and arrivals of wives, parents, and children. But a growing Japanese population will always be with us. This fact should be recognized and frankly faced. Energetic steps should be taken to give that population full justice and equality of treatment. Only so shall we have a right to expect it to be really Americanized and thoroughly loyal.

I will quote a few words from Mr. Roosevelt bearing upon the matter of what treatment we should give to immigrants who are in our midst. In the final analysis it is absolutely necessary that we shall see the problem from a dispassionate point of view, and in dealing with a problem so complex and

vital as the immigration problem, we should approach it in the spirit which is so well expressed by ex-President Roosevelt:

We must treat with justice and good will all immigrants who come here under the law. Whether they are Catholic or Protestant, Jew or Gentile, whether they come from England or Germany, Russia, Japan, or Italy matters nothing. All we have a right to question is the man's conduct. If he is honest and upright in his dealings with his neighbor and with the state, he is entitled to respect and good treatment. Especially do we need to remember our duty to the stranger within our gates. It is the sure mark of a low civilization, a low morality, to abuse or discriminate against or in any way bumiliate such a stranger who has come here lawfully and is conducting himself properly. To remember this is incumbent on every American citizen, and it is, of course, peculiarly incumbent on every government official, whether of the nation or of the several states.

Remember it was we who forced the gates of Japan open and compelled her to come into relations with the outside world. Remember Japan did not at first send laborers to the United States unrequested. In other words, this immigration business is a thing for which we are responsible. We encouraged it; we compelled it. Now, having the Japanese here, it is only wise and fair that we should do as Mr. Roosevelt and Mr. Gulick say, treat them decently. They are here legally. Whatever laws there are now, the Gentlemen's Agreement was observed. Mr. Roosevelt himself said: "The arrangement we made (the Gentlemen's Agreement) worked admirably and entirely achieved its purpose."

These are very simple propositions. We may safely say we are going to have a Japanese population; it is not likely to be smaller; it is here legally and honestly and it deserves fair treatment on the part of Americans, who boast that fair play belongs to each and all, everywhere.

Now, taking up the social aspects of this question, I wish to lay down a few simple propositions relative to this Japanese population. First, it is docile and amenable to a remarkable degree, although it is right in its persistence in demanding the respect which is its due. Second, it is anxious to adjust itself to the conditions it finds, whether they are fair or unfair, kind or unkind, so as to get along happily in every way with us. Third, it is an industrious and intelligent population, anxious to learn and to inform itself, anxious to give return for value received, and (as they say out in California) "carrying the work intrusted to them through to the end."

Again and this is the only statement where I shall quote figures-we often hear it said that we do not want America to be a dumping-ground for the worthless, the degenerate, the poor and weak of other lands; we do not, of course. We have never had that kind from Japan. It is not a criminal nor a degenerate population, which breaks the laws. It is very rare that the Japanese are in law courts, or arrested for offenses against our laws. Few are in our poorhouses and insane asylums. Here is a datum from California. It is taken from California because there they have the problem to a larger degree than any other section. That is why, all through, I shall quote California. This is recent. It says that all state insane asylums had a total of 11,567 inmates. And how many do we

find are Japanese? One hundred one. How about prisoners? The prisons had a total population of 4,430, and the Japanese element was thirty. Let us reduce this to the equivalent per ten thousand of the population, and all state asylums have twenty-nine persons as inmates out of every ten thousand; there are but ten Japanese out of every ten thousand who are insane. The prisons have eleven convicts for every ten thousand of the population; of Japanese there are three convicts for every ten thousand in the population. I want to emphasize this fact that we are not dealing with dumpings. The Japanese came here poor, perhaps, but not degenerate, nor criminal, nor imbecile. Japan has not dumped her refuse on our country. Our Japanese population is not degenerate, vicious, nor criminal. It is a loyal population, with American tendencies. If I get time later on I shall say something about the way in which the Japanese have shown loyalty in times of crisis in this country. As a characterization of this population, I say it is loyal, and with American tendencies; it is docile, amenable, dignified, anxious to adjust itself, industrious, law-abiding, with good health as to body and mind. It is not a bad population to have with us. I hope it will remain with all its good qualities, which I have simply named and not enlarged upon.

I want to call your attention to this. The laws are unkind; they were brought about by hostility and hatred. The laws under which this population live are harsh and have an element of hatred in them. How are they to be enforced? With hatred, with race prejudice? With kindness, with decency, with honesty and honor? Or politically? In my home city there was an election a while ago, and the district attorney, who was running for office, took pains to state how actively he was going to put these laws into operation. Without hesitation he intimated that he was going to apply them to this people as though they were criminals, when they are only the unfortunate victims of circumstances for which they are not responsible, and into which they have been led. There is danger of other district attorneys trying to make political capital by emphasizing the vigor with which they will enforce these laws without regard to mitigating circumstances. Continue that awhile, and are you going to have a population that is loyal, amenable, good, and desirable, or are you going to have a population that will have been made devils by the devilish way in which they have been treated?

To come more specifically to my subject of social phases, I shall call attention to three things which have been agitated to a great extent. In connection with one of them I shall call attention to dangerous misunderstandings. The first is labor competition: underbidding, crowding out of workmen from certain markets. The second is the "awful" birth-rate. I am afraid that if I were to say all that is in my mind about this, some of the people connected with this Conference would shake their heads sadly, for I maintain that a large share of the present agitation for birth control is due to cowardice and selfishness. After all, the production of children is natural. A good, healthy, vigorous man has

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