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We do not expect every boy is going to be reformed, but a short term is often of great benefit to him. It fits him to go out into life better than he could otherwise do. He learns obedience, and has impressed on him the meaning of character and the value of industry; and these alone yield good results.

Mr. L. C. STORRS, Michigan.— I wish to remind you that all the bad boys do not get into reformatories. In Michigan we have our county agency system, and no child can be tried till after the county agent has investigated the case. In 1896 there were 1,185 children arrested, and only 274 went to reformatories. The others on suspended sentences were returned to parents or put under the care of the county agency.

Mr. PATTERSON. We do not expect to reform every boy. But those who work in reformatories and do not expect to reform the children will not reform them. We should work as though we could reform every one, and then I think we should reform more than we do.

Mr. H. D. SMITH, Connecticut.— When you say of a girl that she is saved, you say more than you do of a boy who is saved. When she goes out from the institution, she is a respectable and useful girl in the house where she is placed. We have in Connecticut one of the best women in the world to handle these girls, and she visits them quarterly. This work is as near the work of a mother with her daughters as you can get it. Of all the girls we have sent out in the last twelve years, we absolutely know that ninety in every hundred are leading useful and respectable lives.

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Dr. E. A. Down, Connecticut.— The question of heredity has been touched on. It is the practice in asylums, in taking the history of a patient, to ask if there were any insane relatives in the family, also if there are any hereditary predispositions. A man who had the habit of drink was asked if it was an acquired habit. said it was acquired before he was born; and there is much significance in that, for there are inherited tendencies which no skill can overcome. Certain things may develop between the ages of twelve and fifteen or between the ages of twenty and thirty, when the individual takes on the responsibilities of life. We then have the last chapter of the book of which you have the first. The question is, What is the remedy? We must establish an aristocracy of health. The careless marriages which take place conduce to the production of the criminal defective. I am glad to say that in Connecticut the age of protection has been raised. That is a good step. I think we should take more care to examine into the nervous organization of those contemplating marriage; and, if we were to do so, the number of the insane and the defective would diminish. There is a great deal to say on this subject. If a woman is not anatomically fitted to bear children, so that the child's head must be crushed by the physician, and thus deformed, that fact

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should be known before she takes on the condition of maternity. This opens a broad field and subjects more appropriate for a medical session, but at the same time it is intimately connected with this very subject. The time will come when we shall establish an aristocracy of health, and when we shall see to it that the people who contemplate marriage are physically whole.

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Mr. D. M. BARRETT, Lancaster, Ohio.- The children that are saved in the reform school are those who were on the road to criminality and would have become criminals but for the training they receive. It is not wonderful that they are not all saved. The wonder is that we save so many. I discharge from forty to fifty boys a month, and we receive about five hundred a year. And, as far as I can ascertain, fully 80 per cent. are doing well. do not do well, and about 10 per cent. do badly. they come from, that is satisfactory. I do not believe we have a boy who is not above his parentage. I believe that the world is better to-day than ever it was before. This is the day of the best Christian civilization that the world has ever seen, and to-morrow will be a better one; for we are on the upward road. We are saving thousands of these boys from becoming criminals. Except through private correspondence I do not hear of a boy who behaves himself. They are never released from our care till they are twenty-one. We keep track of them, and they are returned to us for misbehavior. Mr. BOARDMAN, Ontario.— Our record shows 84 per cent. reformed, and I can heartily congratulate our friends from the other side of the line. I feel sure that our results are almost equally satisfactory in regard to industrial schools. We have good evidence that reform schools do reform.

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Adjourned.

FOURTH SESSION.

Friday night, July 9.

The Conference was called to order at -8 P.M. by the President. An invitation from the Governor of Iowa for the Conference to meet in that State was presented by Dr. Powell.

The subject for the evening was the report of the Committee on Child-saving, C. E. Faulkner, chairman. The report was read by Mr. Faulkner (page 87).

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An address on "The Sunday-school as a Child-saving Mission was read by Rev. Duncan R. Milner, Armour Mission, Chicago. Mr. Clarence J. Snyder gave notice that Milwaukee would put in a claim for the Conference in 1898.

A delegate from Nebraska said that Omaha would be greatly disappointed if the Conference did not go there next year.

Mr. C. E. Faulkner nominated Topeka for the place of meeting next year.

Rev. Meigs V. Crouse, Cincinnati, gave a talk on the work of the Children's Home, illustrated by stereopticon views.

Dr. Walk, of Philadelphia, rising to a question of privilege, said that in the statement of the condition of relief work in Philadelphia, published in the report of last year's Conference, there were some mistakes which had escaped correction; and he asked to have the following paragraph inserted in the report for this year. On motion this request was unanimously granted.

In the "city" poor district, which includes all of the county of Philadelphia except a suburban section upon its northern boundary, all municipal outdoor relief (except medical aid) was abolished in 1880; and it has never since been restored. The city employs fifty physicians to attend the poor (in addition to their private practice), at a compensation of $20 per month. This costs annually $12,000. From five to six thousand dollars additional is paid to druggists for filling the prescriptions written by these physicians. Aside from this seventeen or eighteen thousand dollars, all the relief of the poor at their homes devolves upon voluntary charitable agencies, chiefly the eighteen local associations united under the title of the Society for Organizing Charity. This abolition of municipal outdoor relief has in seventeen years saved to the city treasury more than a million dollars, and the ratio of indoor paupers to the total population has decreased.

Adjourned.

FIFTH SESSION.

Saturday morning, July 10.

The Conference was called to order by the President at 10.30 A.M. The subject for the morning was the report of the Committee on Prison Reform, Mr. Philip C. Garrett, chairman. A letter was read from Mr. G. A. Griffith, of Baltimore.

A paper on "The Need of Radical Prison Reform" was read by Mr. Garrett (page 26).

A paper on "The Indeterminate Sentence," by Mr. Warren F. Spalding, Boston, was read by Dr. G. H. Knight (page 46).

A paper on "The Probation System" was read by Mr. Charlton T. Lewis, LL.D. (page 38).

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A paper on "European Prison," by Hon. S. J. Barrows, M.C., was read by title (page 52).

DISCUSSION.

Judge H. S. McDONALD, Brockville, Ontario. We feel that we in Canada have one of the best criminal codes in the world, and in connection with it we have speediness of investigation and administration. One of the evidences of the result of prompt enforcement of the law is that Judge Lynch never holds court in Canada. I am a judge, and for over twenty years have had to deal, to a considerable extent, with the administration of the criminal law. If people knew the difficulties that a conscientious man has to undergo in deciding what penalty to impose, they would deal with us more kindly than they do in discussing these subjects. It seems to me that where a man has had experience, and has looked at it, he will find that there are cases in which it is impossible to apply the probation system to the criminal. We have a law that allows the lash to be used. When some great hulking brute assaults a little girl or a young woman, we may sentence him to the lash; and that is the only way for such a case. How are you going to put a man of that kind on probation? His case does not call for a long sentence: it calls for speedy action, and something that will deter him from such crimes. We have a law that, if a man commits robbery with violence, he may be sentenced to the lash, the violence that he inflicts shall come to himself. It is utterly impossible to apply in all classes of cases this system of indeterminate sentence, but we have two good systems. In the first place, under our criminal code for almost any offence short of murder and a few other offences, the prisoner who is committed for trial is brought before the judge of the county court; and he is allowed to choose whether he will be tried by jury or not. He may be let out on bail. If he is found guilty, he has no long waiting before his case is determined. If he is innocent, as in the majority of cases he is, he can go.

Then we have this system, it can hardly be called the indeterminate sentence, but we use it a good deal,—the suspensory sentence. Judges differ in the way they act upon it. Some sentence the prisoner, and let him go. Others do not sentence him, but let him go without. I am satisfied that there is no system that will work better than that, unless for certain classes of crime where you wish to get hold of the young boys. The suspended sentence hangs over a man, and puts him on his good behavior.

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I agree with a great deal in that magnificent paper. something in the way the gentleman can carry an assembly with him. He carried us all with him by his magnetism, and yet we must think of these things seriously. We must not allow the eloquence of a paper or the magnetism of a speaker to carry us too far.

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never, while men are men, do away with prisons. You may modify the system, which should be done more and more as circumstances will permit; but for certain classes in the community nothing but the prison will ever be a preventive of crime, unless it be the lash.

Judge FOLLETT, Ohio.- We may find fault with the criminal law and its absurdities, but you never heard any more absurd propositions than those brought here this morning. I have said for years that the criminal law is far behind the civil law. A magnificent opportunity is offered to the United States and the civilized world. A few days since, President McKinley appointed a commission of three men to codify the criminal laws of the United States, one man from Ohio, one from Texas, and one from Montana. Now, if we get a properly codified criminal law for the United States, that will be applied, with certain modifications, it may be, to every State; but, when you talk of a complete code for all the States alike, you are talking about a myth. It will never be accomplished: It is impossible. Let us help that commission. Let us do all we can, and let us watch it. We have already much that is excellent in some of the States. Take the code provided for Louisiana by Edward Livingston, way back in the period between 1822 and 1832. I heard a judge of the North say that it was one of the most beautiful specimens of logical writing that he ever read. He had read it and reread it. It is far ahead of what has been proposed here. What has been the proposition here? Do you know? It is to do away with prisons. I say there is not an intelligent penologist in the world who believes in the possibility of that. I bought one of Lombroso's last papers on that subject, to see if he did, but he asserts that the greater criminals must be confined. We have had two propositions here: one was the basis of crime on which to punish; the other was the basis of the criminal on which to punish. Which is right? How can you arrive at it? Will you put

What is the trial ? They

Then how long do they want Oh, till the man is changed! as anything they criticise.

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a man who is guilty of murder into the same little system as the man who is guilty of assault and battery? How do you know his guilt outside of the act that he has committed? want to stigmatize the trial. The trial is getting at the man through his actions: that is what the trial is. to hold the man after they catch him? I say this: their basis is just as faulty have heard one man say he would never want a lawyer to provide a code. The last speaker is a lawyer also. He has stigmatized those who provide codes. Where are we? What are we talking about? Can't we make a code? What are we to be governed by? Where is the basis in logic or good sense on which we stand? We all know the basis of civil law put forth many years ago by no less a master, writing in Paris two hundred years ago, than Jean Domat, who says that we are carried by it to our Creator and our relation to him and our fellow-men: Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy might, mind, and strength, and thy neighbor as thyself. Will any

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