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From the UNIVERSAL MAGAZINE. Receipt for the Cure of Deafnefs., UT a table fpoonful of bay falt near half a pint of cold spring water, and after it has fteeped therein for twenty-four hours (now and then shak ing the phial) cause a small tea spoonful to be poured in the ear molt affected, every night when in bed, for feven or eight-nights fucceffively, obferving to Jay your head on the oppofite fide, by which the cure is generally compleated.

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From the UNIVERSAL MAGAZINE. Some Account of the late Lord Chancellor,

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Earl of Hardwicke.

F, the name of York, there have been feveral eminent perfons; and the late Lord Chancellor, Philip, Earl of Hardwicke, of that name, was one, whose character and conduct will adorn the most interesting pages in the hiftory of this age and country. After a wellgrounded education in claffical learning, which he retained and cultivated amidit his most laborious and highest employments, he applied himself to the study of the law, in the Middle Temple, with uncommon fuccefs, and foon became fo eminent in the knowledge and practice. of it, that, at the age of twenty-nine, on the 23d of March, 1719-20, he was promoted to the office of Sollicitor-Ge neral, being honoured with knighthood in June following; and in February, 1723-4, he was made Attorney-General. Whilft a Commoner, he ferved in, three Parliaments, first for the borough of Lewes in Suffex, in April 1719, and in the fucceeding Parliaments for Seaford. He continued in the office of Attorney-General till the 31st of Octo. ber, 1733, on which day he took upon, him the state and degree of a ferjeant at law. It was about this time, upon the refignation of the great feals by Peter Lord King, that Sir Philip Yorke

waved his own pretensions to thems founded both on merit and priority of rank, in favour of his friend Charles, Talbot, Efq;, then Sollicitor-General, and accepted the place, of Lord Chief Justice of the King's Bench, being foom after railed to the dignity of a baron of this kingdom. In that year he was also, chofen a governor of the Charter-house. The reputation with which he filled his ed by, that with which he afterwards feat of Judicature, could only be equal-, difcharged the office of Lord High Chan cellor, when called to it, on the decease, of Lord Talbot, in February, 1736-7

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On the 12th of May, 1740, he was no minated one of the Lords Juftices for the adminiftration of the government during his Majesty's abfence: alfo Apr. 21, 1743; and in 1745%. In 1746 he was appointed Lord High Steward of England, for the trials of the Earls of Kilmarnock and Cromartie, and Lord Balmerino. In 1748, he was again one of the Lords, Juftices; and on the 31ft of July, 1749, was unanimoufly chofen High Steward of the university of Cambridge, on the refignation of the Duke of Newcastle, who was elected Chancellor, and the year after was again one of the Lords Juftices. Also March 30, 1752,, his Lordship was appointed one of the Lords Juftices for the adminiftration of the government, whilst the Kingvifited his German dominions.

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It is no fmall evidence of the acknow ledged abilities and integrity, with whichhe prefided in the court of Chancery, that during the fpace of near 20 years in which he fat there, a period longer, than that of any of his predeceffors, fince Lord Chancellor Egerton, only three of his decrees were appealed from, and thofe afterwards confirmed by the House of Lords. After he had execu ted that high office about feventeen years, he was in April 1754, advanced by his late Majefty, as a mark of his royal approbation of his Lordship's long and eminent fervices, to the rank of an Earl of Great Britain, by the style and title of Vifceunt Royston, and Earl of Hardwicke."

His refignation of the Great Seal in November 1756, gave an universal concern to the nation, however divided at that time in other refpects; but he ftill continued to serve the public in a more private station, with an unimpaired vi gour of mind, which he enjoyed even under a long and fevere indifpofition till his latest moments, his death happening on the fixth of March, 1764, at his house in Grofvenor-fquare, in the 74th year of his age.

His talents as a speaker in the fenate, as well as on the bench, have left too ftrong an impreffion to need being enlarged upon; and thofe as a writer were fuch, as might be expected from one who had early distinguished himself in that character in the Spectator. His private virtues, amiablenefs of manners, and extent and variety of knowledge, were as much esteemed and admired by thofe, who had the honour and happinefs of his acquaintance, as his fuperior abilities were by the nation in general. In his public character, wisdom, experience, probity, temper, candour, and moderation, were fo happily united, that his death, in the prefent fituation of affairs, is a lofs to his country as unfeasonable as it is important.

His Lordship married Margaret, one of the daughters of Charles Cocks, of the city of Worcester, Elq; and of Mary his wife, eldest fifter of that learned lawyer, able statesman, and true patriot, John, Lord Sommers, Lord Chancellor of England in the reign of King Wil. liam III. by whom he had iffae five fons, and two daughters.

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adminiftration refolve upon war, 'tis affirmed, that either wilfully or ignorantly they mistake the intereft of the nation, and that peace, in the present fituation of affairs, is infinitely preferable. If the paffion of the minifter be for peace, our political writers breathe nothing but war and devaftation, and reprefent the pacific conduct of the government as mean and pufillanimous. As this liberty is not indulged in any other government, either republican or monarchical; in Holland and Venice, no more than in France or Spain; it may very naturally give occafion to these two questions, "How it happens that Great Britain enjoys fuch a peculiar privilege?" and, "Whether the unlimited exercife of this liberty be advantageous or prejudicial to the public?"

As to the first question, Why the laws indulge us in fuch an extraordinary liberty? I believe the reason may be des rived from our mixt form of govern ment, which is neither wholly monarchical, nor wholly republican. 'Twill be found, if I mistake not, to be a true obfervation in politics, that the two extremes in government, of liberty and flavery, approach nearest to each other; and, that as you depart from the extremes, and mix a little of monarchy with liberty, the government becomes always the more free; and, on the other hand, when you mix a little of liberty with monarchy, the yoke becomes always the more grievous and intolerable. In a government, fuch as that of France, which is entirely abfolute, and where laws, custom, and religion, all concur to make the people fully fatisfied with their condition, the monarch cannot entertain the leaft jealousy against his fubjects, and therefore is apt to indulge them in great liberties both of speech and action. In a government altogether republican, fuch as Holland, where there is no magiftrate fo eminent as to give jealoufy to the state, there is also no danger in intrufting the magiftrates with very large difcretionary powers; and though many advantages refult from fuch powers; in the prefervation of peace and A a a order,

order, yet they lay a confiderable retraint on mens actions, and make every private fubject pay a great respect to the government. Thus it is evident, that the two extremes, of abfolute monarchy and of a republic, approach very near to each other in the moft material circumftances. In the first, the magistrate has no jealoufy of the people: in the fecond, the people have no jealousy of the magistrate which want of jealoufy begets a mutual confidence and truft in both cafes, and produces a species of liberty in monarchies, and of arbitrary power in republicks.

To juftify the other part of the foregoing obfervation, that in every government the means are most wide of each other, and that the mixtures of monarchy and liberty render the yoke either more eafy or more grievous: I must take notice of a remark of Tacitus, with regard to the Romans under their emperors, that they neither could bear total flavery nor total liberty, Nec totam fervitutem, nec totam libertatem pati poffunt. This remark a famous poet has tranflated and applied to the English, in his admirable description of Queen Elizabeth's policy and happy go

vernment.

Et fit aimer fonjoug à l'Anglois indompté, Qui ne peut ni fervir, ni vivre en liberté. HENRIADE, Liv. 1. According to thefe remarks, therefore, we are to confider the Roman government as a mixture of defpotism and liberty, where the defpotifin prevailed; and the English government as a mixture of the fame kind, but where the liberty predominates. The confequences are exactly conformable to the foregoing obfervation; and fuch as may be expected from those mixed forms of government, which beget a mutual watchfulness and jealoufy. The Roman Emperors were, many of them, the most frightful tyrants that ever difgraced humanity; and 'tis evident their cruelty was chiefly excited by their jealousy, and by their obferving, that all the great men of Rome bore with impatience the dominion of a family, which, but a lit

before, was no ways fuperior to their

own. On the other hand, as the republican part of the government prevails in England, though with a great mixture of monarchy, 'tis obliged, for its own prefervation, to maintain a watch. ful jealoufy over the magiflrates, to remove all difcretionary powers, and to fecure every one's life and fortune by general and inflexible laws. No action must be deemed a crime but what the law has plainly determined to be fuch; no crime must be imputed to a man but from a legal proof before his judges: and even thefe judges must be his fellow-fubjects, who are obliged, by their own intereft, to have a watchful eye over the encroachments and violence of the minifters. From these causes it proceeds, that there is as much liberty, and even, perhaps, licentioufnefs in Britain, as there were formerly flavery and tyranny in Rome.

These principles account for the great liberty of the prefs in these kingdoms, beyond what is indulged in any other government. 'Tis fufficiently known, that defpotic power would soon steal in upon us, were we not extreme watchful to prevent its progress, and were there not an easy method of conveying the alarm from one end of the kingdom to the other. The fpirit of the people must frequently be rouz'd to curb the ambition of the court; and the dread of rouzing this fpirit must be employed to prevent that ambition. Nothing is fo effectual to this purpose as the liberty of the prefs, by which all the learning, wit and genius of the nation may be employed on the fide of Liberty, and every one be animated to its defence. As long, therefore, as the republican part of our government can maintain itself against the monarchical, it must be extreme jealous of the liberty of the prefs, as of the utmost importance to its prefervation.

Since therefore the liberty of the press is fo effential to the fupport of our mixt government; this fufficiently decides the fecond question, "Whether this liberty be advantageous or prejudicial;" there being nothing of greater importance in every state than the prefervation of the

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antient government, especially if it be a free one. But I would fain go a step farther, and affert, that fuch a liberty is attended with fo few inconveniencies, that it may be claimed as the common right of mankind, and ought to be indulged them almoft in every government; except the ecclefiaftical, to which indeed it would be fatal. We need not dread from this liberty any fuch ill confequences as followed from the harangues of the popular demagogues of Athens and tribunes of Rome. A man reads a book or pamphlet alone and coolly. There is none present from whom he can catch the paffion by contagion. He is not hurried away by the force and energy of action. And fhould he be wrought up to never fo feditious a humour, there is no violent refolution prefented to him, by which he can immediately vent his paffion. The liberty of the prefs, therefore, however abufed, can scarce ever excite popular tumults or rebellion. And as to those murmurs or fecret difcontents it may occafion, 'tis better they should get vent in words, that they may come to the knowledge of the magiftrate before it be too late, in order to his providing a remedy against them. Mankind, 'tis true, have always a greater propenfion to believe what is faid to the difadvantage of their governors, than the contrary; but this inclination is infeparable from them, whether they have liberty or not. A whiper may fly as quick, and be as pernicious as a pamph. let. Nay, it will be more pernicious, where men are not accustomed to think freely, or diftinguish betwixt truth and falfhood.

It has also been found, as the experience of mankind encreases, that the people are no fuch dangerous monsters as they have been represented, and that

peace, and have all of them an equal_ affection to their common country, and to each other. England has fet a like example of civil liberty; and though this liberty feems to occafion some small ferment at prefent, it has not as yet pro duced any pernicious effects; and it is to be hoped, that men, being every day more accustomed to the free difcuffion of public affairs, will improvę in their judgment of them, and be with greater difficulty feduced by every idle rumour and popular clamour.

'Tis a very comfortable reflection to the lovers of liberty, that this peculiar privilege of Britain is of a kind that cannot eafily be wrefted from us, but muft laf as long as our government remains, in any degree, free and inde pendent. 'Tis feldom, that liberty of any kind is loft all at once. Slavery has fo frightful an afpect to men, accustomed to freedom, that it must steal in upon them by degrees, and must disguise itself in a thousand shapes, in order to be received. But, if the liberty of the prefs ever be loft, it must be loft at once. The general laws against sedition and li belling, are at prefent as ftrong as they poffibly can be made. Nothing can im pofe a farther restraint, but either the clapping an imprimature upon the prefs, or the giving very large difcretionary powers to the court to punish whatever difpleafes them. But thefe conceffions would be fuch a bare faced violation of liberty, that they will probably be the laft efforts of a defpotic government. We may conclude, that the liberty of Britain is gone for ever, when these attempts fhall fucceed.

From the UNIVERSAL MUSEUM.

'tis in every respect better to guide them, An Effay on Impudence and Modefty.

like rational creatures, than to lead or drive them, like brute beafts. Before the united provinces fet the example, toleration was deemed incompatible with good government, and it was thought impoflible, that a number of religious fects could live together in harmony and

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HAVE always been of opinion, that the complaints against Provi dence have been ill grounded, and that the good or bad qualities of men are the caufes of their good or bad fortune, more than what is generally imagined.

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There are, no doubt, inftances to the contrary, and pretty numerous ones too; but few, in comparison of the inftances we have of a right diftribution of prosperity and adverfity; nor indeed could it be otherwife from the common course of human affairs. To be endow ed with a benevolent difpofition, and to love others, will almost infallibly procure love and efteem; which is the chief circumstance of life, and facilitates every enterprize and undertaking; befides the fatisfaction, which immediately refults from it. The cafe is much the fame with the other virtues. Profperity is naturally, tho' not neceffarily attached to virtue and merit; and adverfity, in like manner, to vice and folly.

I must, however, confefs, that this rule admits of an exception with regard to one moral quality; and that Modefty has a natural tendency to conceal a man's talents, as Impudence difplays them to the utmost, and has been the only caufe why many have rifen in the world, under all the difadvantages of low birth and little merit. Such indolence and incapacity is there in the generality of mankind, that they are apt to receive a man for whatever he has a mind to put himself off for; and admits his overbearing airs as proofs of that merit which he affumes to himself. A decent affurance feems to be the natural attendant of virtue; and few men can diftinguish impudence from it: as, on the other hand, diffidence, being the natural re. fult of vice and folly, has drawn difgrace upon modelty, which in outward appearance so nearly resembles it.

I was lately lamenting to a friend of mine, who loves a conceit, that popular applause should be bestowed with fo little judgment, and that fo many empty for ward coxcombs fhould rife up to a figure in the world upon which he faid there was nothing surprising in the cafe. "Popular fame, fays he, is nothing but breath of air and air very naturally preffes into a vacuum."

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As impudence, though really a vice, has the fame effects upon a man's fortune, as if it were a virtue; fo we may obferve, that it is almot as difficult to

be attained, and is, in that respect, ditinguished from all the other vices, which are acquired with little pains, and continually encrease upon indulgence. Many a man, being fenfible that modefty is extremely prejudicial to him in making his fortune, has resolved to be impudent, and to put a bold face upon the matter; but, it is obfervable, that fuch people have feldom fucceeded in the attempt, but have been obliged to relapfe into their primitive modefty. Nothing carries a man through the world like a true natural genuine impudence. Its counterfeit is good for nothing, nor can ever fupport itself. In any other attempt, whatever faults a man commits and is fenfible of, he is fo much the nearer his end: but when he endeavours at impudence, if he ever failed in the attempt, the remembrance of it will make him blush, and will infallibly disconcert him: after which every blush is a cause for new blushes, 'till he be found out to be an arrant cheat, and a vin pretender to impudence.

If any thing can give a modest man more affurance, it must be some advantages of fortune, which chance procures to him. Riches naturally gain a man a favourable reception in the world, and give merit a double luftre, when a perfon is endowed with it; and fupply its place, in a great measure, when it is abfent. 'Tis wonderful to obferve what airs of fuperiority fools and knaves, with large poffeffions, give themselves above men of the greatest merit in poverty. Nor do the men of merit make any strong oppofitions to these ufurpations; or ra ther feem to fayour them by the modesty of their behaviour. Their good fenfe and experience make them diffident of their judgment, and caule them to examine every thing with the greatest accuracy: as, on the other hand, the delicacy of their fentiments makes them timorous left they commit faults, and lofe in the practice of the world that integrity of virtue, of which they are fo jealous. To make wildom agree with confidence, is as difficult as to reconcile vice to modefty.

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