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society will multiply rapidly from those very classes where men with lower natural ability have congregated because of their failure to advance in life.

Such an argument as this, however, does not take into account the fact that for many families now living in poverty the provision of a physical minimum (and the guaranty should not be for much more) would make them want comforts which they now cannot hope for. In order to rise in the social scale such persons might indeed limit their families even more rigidly than they do now. Then, if men's desires outran a subsistence or subsistence-plus standard, the addition of another child would occasion a greater disparity between what the parents had and what they wanted. Thus, if to maintain the new child on the scale desired would cost $400, while the allowance amounted to only $200, then the whole family would have to reduce its scale by a total of $200. Since the material desires of most men outrun their existing standard of living, the payment of family allowances such as has been proposed would not remove the economic barriers to an increase in population, although it might lower them.

Another force which would continue to restrict births is the growing reluctance of women to bear and rear children. In the days of Malthus this was not considered as a barrier to population growth, but it is today; and since it is based upon a distaste for pregnancy and childbirth and for the drudging labor of bringing up a family, it would continue to be effective under a family allowance system. Finally, there is, of course, the movement for birth control, which, as it seeps down through the population, will afford to the men and women of the working classes the opportunity of limiting their families to a degree which they cannot now do.

But it will be objected that the unskilled laborers (who are assumed to be greatly inferior in innate ability) will not be swayed by these motives, but will instead multiply at an even more rapid rate than at present, and will thus hasten the swamping of civilization by the less fit. Most of the menace caused by this differential fecundity would be removed, however, if the 5 per cent or so of the population that are social defectives were prevented from reproducing their kind. If this were done we would probably not need to fear any appreciable lowering of the mental level of the race. It should, moreover, be recognized by those who fear the dangers of overpopulation that it is possible to limit the number of children for whom the allowance would be paid. The maximum number of children supported in one family might, for example, be fixed at four or five, or the allowance paid to all children beyond the third might be tapered down.

Another objection that is frequently advanced is that such a plan will arouse the virulent antagonism of the bachelors, who will object to the married men receiving more than they do. It can, however, be pointed out to the single men that their married associates will not be receiving more for themselves, but that the added sums will merely be devoted to meeting some of the added costs which a child entails. If the allowances were sent to the mothers, the feeling of the un

married that they were being discriminated against would be still further lessened. Both bachelors and married men would continue to compete in the shop for differential payments above the minimum, and if a member of the former group were abler than one of the latter, he would receive more.

A third objection which is sometimes offered by friends of the labor movement is that in the present weak position of organized labor it would be seized upon by employers as a means of strengthening their bargaining position, and hence would still further swing the balance of power in favor of the employers. Such critics as these should realize, however, that it is just as possible for tradeunions to initiate such a plan as for employers, and that it can be included in a joint agreement just as effectively as certain progressive unions have included a provision for unemployment insurance.

Finally, the plan seems to be signally adapted for government employees, for teachers, ministers, social workers, and other salaried workers. The fear of a differential birth-rate need not operate here, for more rather than fewer births are desired from such groups. At least two industrial concerns, namely, W. H. Ludens and Company, of Reading, Pennsylvania, and the Columbia Conserve Company, of Indianapolis, have adopted modifications of the plan for their wage-earners, while it is applied more informally by a number of concerns, and most notably by banks, for their salaried workers. There is a great need for further experimentation along these lines in this country, for it will be largely through concrete examples that we will be able to decide whether or not we approve of the system, and if so, what methods of administering it we favor.1


Charles S. Johnson, Editor of "Opportunity"; Director of
Research, National Urban League, New York

For one hundred and thirty years down to 1910 the center of the Negro population moved south and west, from Dinwiddie County in Virginia to northern Alabama, a distance of 478 miles. At first the four states, Virginia, Maryland, and the Carolinas, had held the great bulk of this population, some 87 per cent of it. The first important economic eventuality, the development The literature on family allowances has been growing rapidly and the principal works upon the subject are: Eleanor F. Rathbone, The Disinherited Family, London: Edwin Arnold, 1924, pp. 324; Paul H. Douglas, Wages and the Family, University of Chicago Press, 1925, pp. 290; A. B. Pieldington, The Next Step, Melbourne: Macmillan, 1922, pp. 68; H. R. Vibart, Family Allowances in Practice, P. S. King, 1926; Joseph L. Cohen, Family Income Insurance, P. S. King, 1926, pp. 47. Three official studies of the movement are Wages and Hours, Studies and Reports of the International Labour Office, Series D, No. 13; Family Allowances, Geneva, 1924, pp. 186; Family Allowance Systems in Foreign Countries, United States Bureau of Labor Statistics Bulletin 401.

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of cotton-growing in the more southerly states, drew currents of this population to the rich and fertile soil of the delta stretches, where there began in earnest the plantation system which for so many years characterized the economic life of the South. Emancipation left a Negro concentration in the cotton areas The endless succession of cotton crops, the wasteful handling of the soil, the growing perplexities of the whole system, weak at its base, brought on gradually another stage. The population, both white and Negro, moved in the direction of new land. This direction was south and west. But the importance of Negroes to cotton-growing and to the spacious plantation system gave them a certain numerical advantage. The number of counties with more than 75 per cent of Negroes increased from 21.9 to 26.6 between 1880 and 1910. At the same time the census figures indicate that 52.3 per cent of the migration of Negroes from the southern states had been to the area west of the Mississippi. The old lands had been virtually exhausted. Southern cities had begun to receive a harassed farm surplus. The labor market in turn was glutted, and as a further consequence wages were trimmed down because of the oversupply of cheap labor.

Fifty years after emancipation, in spite of the nominal freedom of movement for freedmen and in spite of an oppressive social system, 90 per cent of the Negro population still resided in the South and was moving even deeper. In 1910 there were in the northern states 1,027,674 Negroes. Increase was slow, and for good reason. Tradition had fixed the work of Negroes wholly outside of industry. They were limited to domestic and personal service. Northern industries, now at a vigorous point of expansion, had discovered the usefulness of foreign workers; their economy was adjusted to these immigrants. In the competition the Negro workers were a most negligible factor, for during the later stages of this industrial growth the yearly additions to the immigrant population were greater than the entire Negro population of the North.

Mr. Stuart Chase, in his disturbing arraignment of American industries for wanton waste, forced a revaluation of man-power in industry by exposing the misuse of it. Two of the insistent complaints are directed against laissez faire methods of production and against the widespread indifferences to a demonstrated technique of managerial efficiency.

His case takes on increased strength with the census totals of 36,000,000 foreigners who have come to these shores since 1820. They came freely, precipitously, and, until 1880, unselected even for the physically and mentally sound. But this apathy and individualism are ancient faults, and, despite their obvious and criminal wastefulness, are conditions which doubtless will work out with something of the same deliberateness that has characterized their development to this point. It is admitted that there are psychological elements involved, and requirements for group coordination, for which there exists at present no machinery. Whatever the dilemma of the moment, it cannot be overlooked that the tempo of industries adjusted to the yearly consumption of a million recruits will feel for many years the effects of the loss of them. It is still a matter of specula

tion as to whether or not the loss can be wholly compensated for. Meanwhile we are faced with present problems of adjustment, and these can be examined in the light of what we know about the labor supply.

The agitation which led up to the immigration legislation has acquainted us with the two general types of immigration described as the old and the new. With the first, which included the Germans, English, Irish, Norwegians and other Scandinavians, there is but a small relationship to the question of Negro labor. For these racial groups came first as pioneers and farmers or as skilled and professional workers. Figures compiled by the Immigration Commission make very clear this occupational division. For the period 1890-1900 there is indicated the increase or decrease of various racial groups according to occupations. In the case of the Germans there was a notable decrease in farmers, workers in the building trades, and laborers, a similar decrease for the Irish and English, and corresponding increases in manufacturers, salesmen, and professional men. The only other increase noted among these three was a German increase in machinists. On the other hand, with Hungarians, Bohemians, and Italians there were small increases all along the line, but huge ones in unskilled labor. Whereas the Germans showed a decrease of 25.3 per cent in the field of unskilled work, the Italians showed an increase of 52.8 per cent.

For the period 1900 to 1910 there are similar differences between these two groups. The total persons of the old immigration coming in during these ten years was 2,273,782, and for the new, 4,949,070. Of the skilled workers, the old constituted 19.5 per cent, with just half that proportion represented by the new. In common labor (including farm labor) the old immigration showed a proportion of 23.8 per cent, while that of the new was 59.8 per cent. This has an important bearing upon the present, since it is the unskilled fields of work that make the most insistent demands for new recruits. It has been in these fields that the competition of foreign and Negro labor has been keenest; and it is around the immigrant workers in these fields and Negro workers that the question of replacement revolves.

In the ten years 1900-1910 there were admitted from all countries a total of 8,795,386 immigrant aliens. Of this number 5,788,449, or more than 65 per cent, came from the four countries, Austria, Hungary, Italy, and Russia, the countries supplying in greatest abundance recruits for unskilled processes of industry. If, therefore, we have the geographical distribution of these four groups for the decade of this immigration, we may get a sufficient gauge on the sections making largest demands for cheap labor, and at the same time the sections affected by the shortage, which are making the most insistent demands for substitute labor.

Of four groups in 1920, Italy, Poland, Hungary, and Russia, New York had 1,400,309; New Jersey had 361,701; and Pennsylvania had 633,038. The Italians, a rural people, like the Negroes, have provided common laborers for construction, railroad building and maintenance, the mines, and for unskilled work

connected with large factories. In some instances they have gone back to the land, as in the scattered colonies in the South and in rural parts of Connecticut, Massachusetts, and New Hampshire. The fact remains that although 85 per cent of them were farmers at home, the proportion is exactly changed in their present status in this country. The Hungarians and Poles went into the great steel mills of Pennsylvania, into the stockyards, iron and steel plants of Illinois, and into the similar industries of New York State, particularly in Buffalo, which is reputed to be the third-largest Polish city in the world.

These groups, with others in somewhat smaller proportions, manned the lower branches of industry when the war and the agitations leading up to rigid

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immigration restriction came. In 1914 there were 1,218,480 aliens admitted, with 303,338 leaving; but in 1918 only 110,618 came, and 94,585 left. The total increase from immigration for that year was only 18,585. It was scarcely an accident, therefore, that the first migration of Negroes from the South reached its peak during this year. During the period 1916-20 more than a half-million Negroes moved north, and during the later period, 1921-25, a number equally large. The census for 1920 shows an increase of 447,551 over 1910. The bulk of these, together with the half-million or more who have come since 1920, have moved to a few cities, and, for the most part, those cities with basic industries requiring large numbers of unskilled laborers. Of 1,272 northern counties in 1920 there are 671 with less than 100 Negroes, 83 with no Negroes at all; considered from the other end there are only 183 counties in which there are more than 1,000 Negroes. Over 60 per cent of the Negro population of Illinois lives in Chicago, and over two-thirds of Michigan's Negro population lives in Detroit. Eight cities, Chicago, Detroit, New York, Newark, St. Louis, Pittsburgh, Philadelphia, and Cleveland, had, in 1920, a combined Negro population of 526,145, or 34 per cent of the entire Negro population of the North and West. If industrial districts centering around large cities are considered, about threefourths of the Negro population of the North could in 1920 be accounted for in the following: Indianapolis, Detroit-Toledo, Cleveland-Youngstown, Kansas City, Pittsburgh, Columbus-Cincinnati, St. Louis, Chicago, Philadelphia, New

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