are better known, only because they considerably preceded Rutherforth, and were the sources to which the senior lawyers of the present time were accustomed to resort. They are each possessed of great merit; but none so free from errour and objection as the Institutes of Rutherforth. The two last we do not hesitate in giving a place in our Course, and the others may be occasionally looked into with advantage. We would remark, that Burlamaqui's conclusions are not always correct; and he is somewhat tainted with the errours of the Gallick school. Vattel is rather too wordy, promising, and "all things to all men." Rutherforth is occasionally too argumentative on simple points; and his chapters on marriage and slavery, present, as we conceive, from first to last, absurd and singular sophisms.We point out the following chapters as particularly worthy attention and meriting repeated perusals. 1st Volume. 2d Volume. (Note 11.) Chapter xii. "Of Promises." Chapter xiii. "Of Contracts." Chapter xvi. "Of the Right of Defence." Chapter xvii. "Of Reparation for Da- Chapter xviii. "Of Punishment." Chapter vi. "Of Civil Laws." ARISTOTLE'S POLITICKS. The "Eth icks" and "Politicks" of Aristotle, as has been observed, (in note 5, on the first title) are not to be disjoined. What has been there advanced in praise of the excellence and value of the treatise of "Morals," may with perhaps additional propriety be extended to the work on "Politicks," as it is a production which most persons will unite with Dr. Taylor in pronouncing "One of the most sterling among the works of antiquity, and a most inexhaustible treasure to the statesman, the lawyer, and the philosopher." Mr. Locke, in a letter to Mr. King, who had requested his opinion as to a plan of reading on morality and politicks, remarks that "to proceed orderly in this, the foundation should be laid in inquiring into the ground and nature of civil society, and how it is formed into different models of government, and what are the several species of it. In this science, Aristotle is allowed to be a master; and few enter into this consideration of government without reading his 'Politicks."". In order to give the student a previous idea of the valuable contents of this work, we shall, in as brief a manner as possible, exhibit a summary of it, differently and more extensively stated by Dr. Gillies in his introductions. The truly zealous and inquiring student would not desire such previous tastes, in order to stimulate or provoke his appetite to a more ample repast: but as every one is not possessed with an ardent thirst after knowledge, provocatives are often necessary. Under the influence of this sentiment is it that we extend this note, and shall in many instances dwell on the nature, contents, and merits of works, longer than may appear requisite. * Vide Taylor's Civil Law, 342. In the First Book of the "Politicks," the student will meet with a succinct and rational account of the origin of society and government, and of the distinction of ranks; and an inquiry into the most approved systems of political economy. As to the first, the author considers society "a sort of community or copartnership, instituted for the benefit of the partners. Utility is the end and aim of every such institution; and the greatest and most extensive utility is the aim of that great association comprehending all the rest, and known by the name of the Commonwealth."" In investigating the origin of society and government, he unfolds the elements of which they are composed, and shews conclusively, that both are as natural and essential to man, as it is for plants to radicate themselves in the earth, and draw their nourishment from the encompassing soil and air: he therefore considers society and government, and men and society, as coeval. He is of opinion that monarchy was the first form of civil government, and that it originated from paternal influence and authority. The nature of domestic economy; the origin of servitude or slavery, its extent and several kinds; the origin and accumulation of property; the various kinds of commerce; the use and real value of money; the illegality of usury; the utility of agriculture, &c.; are displayed in a concise, but masterly manner. He points out the analogy between the authority exercised in the three domestic or economical relations of master and servant, parent and child, and husband and wife, and that which is used in the three forms of government. A master, he says, commands like an absolute monarch; a father rules like a king; and a husband governs like a republican ས magistrate: he concludes the book by pointing out the connexion between domestic and political economy, for as husband and wife, parent and child, master and servant, are the elements of families, so families are the elements of states. In the Second Book are described the most celebrated systems or forms of government, which have actually existed; and likewise those ideal or imaginary schemes of polity or government, devised and matured by the fancy and philosophy of celebrated men. In this book are examined the governments of Sparta, Crete, Carthage, and Athens; the systems of Zaleucus, Charondas, Philolaus, Diocles, Phaleas, Pittacus and Androgamus; and a minute inquiry is made into Plato's Republick. The commonwealth of Carthage, and the institutions of Crete and Sparta (the wisest of any which have been reduced to practice,) are amply described. The introduction to this book by the learned translator, is excellent, and no doubt will receive more than one perusal. The student will find in it a masterly refutation of the opinion advanced by some, that the ancients knew but little, if any thing, of representative government. To this second book, Dr. Gillies has appended an ample and highly interesting account of the little republick of St. Marino. In the Third Book, the various forms of government which had existed, and the principles and characteristicks of each are ably investigated, the author bestowing, as Dr. Gillies observes, "just and liberal praise, where praise seemed to be due; but declaring himself not completely satisfied with any thing that philosophers had devised, legislators prescribed, or time and chance had produced." In this book, Aristotle first defines a state or commonwealth, of which the component elements are those called citizens. He then proceeds to the inquiry as to what constitutes a citizen, and the identity of a commonwealth. He holds man to be naturally a gregarious and political animal, and that all just and legitimate governments must have the good of the governed for their object. He considers the just and pure governments to be monarchy, aristocracy, and a republick: the corruptions of these are tyranny, oligarchy, and democracy. The great and delicate question as to the portion of the state in which sovereignty ought to reside, is discussed and solved: the principle of distributive justice in the apportionment of political honours and emoluments, and the principle and necessity of ostracism, are investigated; and lastly, monarchy and its five kinds, its advantages, defects and corruptions, are satisfactorily displayed. In the Fourth Book Aristotle inquires into the genuine sources of individual and national happiness, and exposes the various errours which have been adopted on this subject. He institutes many impor tant and interesting inquiries as to the salutary limits to population; the extent and nature of the territory; the situation of the capital, as to remoteness from, or proximity to the sea; the cultivation of commerce; the influence of climate on government and men; the things essential to the subsistence of a state, which according to him, are six, viz: food, arts, arms, money, religious establishments, and deliberative councils, |