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malignant pallions, fees the opportuni. We thall avail ourselves of this rela. ties of invading rights, and is the vice of tion, and, borrowing the terms of the the coward or the oppressor. The one, ancient cardinal virtues, mark the efa by mean artifices, selects an unguarded fects of the law which enables a man to moment to injure the rights of an oppo- be just, or to maintain the rights of mannent; the other, conscious of power, kind. has the meanness to use it in bringing 1. Temperance signifies the disposition sufferings on the defencelefs: anguish and to preserve the constitution of the body Temorfe are their accompaniments. and the powers of the mind in the found

4. Eunity is a species of reciprocal il- state in which they are conferred by naliberality. “A bad oflice is returned by a ture. If either are impaired, a man is bad office. The passions are kindled, unable to maintain his place in society deceit may for a moment conceal them, either in the moment of service or diffiilliberality may await the moment of culty. " Your hands are like the hands sure revenge ; but enmity once confirm of a child, (faid a Cherokee to an Euroed, leads to the crimes which, with root. pean prisoner), they are unfit for the ed and deliberate passion, violate the chace or for war. In the winter's snow rights of human nature. When the paf. you muft burn a fire, and in the fum. fions terminate in deeds, they for their mer's heat you faint in the shade. The force. In its formation, enmity is ac- Cherokee can always lift the hatchet; the companied with anxiety, in its gratifica snow does not freeze him, nor the fun tion, with anguilh.

make him faint. We are men.” The The sum of the obligations to probity favage, in comparing his own manners are, on the one hand, the enjoyments with those of a polimed people, dewhich result from innocence, candour, fcribes the temperance which fits a man Jiberality, friendlhip, and of the suffer for maintaining the rights of society, or ings consequent to violence, diffimula. for being juft. tion, illiberality, and enmity ; both shew The faculties of the mind require their the effects of the law of nature in actual natural exertions; if they are neglected, life; and, united, form the obligation to or if they are directed to improper obobserve it."

jects, like the powers of the body, they Mr Bruce having thus exemplified the lose their vigour, and link into inaction. scale of virtues and vices which marks The health of the body, and the capa. the moral obligation to probity, proceeds city of the mind, give the independence to consider those which mark the moral and the conscious approbation of itself, obligation to juslice.

which fit a man for maintaining the " JUSTICE, or the disposition to rights of others and receiving their demaintain the rights of mankind, will ex. ferved confidence. hibit a scale of virtues with their accom- 2. Prudence fignifies the capacity to panying pleasures, and of vices with their examine in what the rights of human na. accompanying pains, which, united, will ture coolist, and to select the means mark the obligation to this branch of the which are beft fitted to preserve them. law.

When Cicero law the conspiracy of CaTo maintain the rights of others re- tiline ripening; when he compared with quires strength and vigour of constitu. the danger the value of the liberties of tion, wisdom in the conduct of affairs, Rome; when, instead of a rash effort to and the firmnef3 which can bafile difficul. save them, he drew together all the evi. lies and dangers. The disposition indeed dence of the criminality, and seized the might exist in theory in a mind that was moment when the effrontery of the condefective in the virtues which it owed spirator led him to the senate, whom he itrelf, but the effects of the law in prac was about to mailacre ; catching at this tice cannot appear if there virtues are instant the fire of patriotism, and rousing wanting. The ancients very properly the passions by the sense of danger, he exdivided the virtue's into those which a posed the scheme, its author, and the inan owes to himself, and those which destruction intended their country, and he owes to others; but they adverted led them to arms and revenge. He had pot to the fact, that temperance, pru. the capacity to discern in what the rights dence, and fortitude, which compree of country conGfted, and to select the bend the former, wure necessary to prac- sureft means for their preservation. His tile justice, the virtue which compre. reward, belides that of conscious merit, bends the latter.


late gratitude of the Romans, and (faid Zeno) can the debauchee speak of reglorious epithet of Father of his coun- pleasure ? he has lost the mind that could

feel it. A wise man indeed will live agree. i fortidade fignifies the firmness which ably to nature, but nature requires that reas fofferings, or meets dangers un- we are able to discern the rights of freePosted. If temperance fits for active men, and fitted to defend them.” Inband, and prudence diftinguishes the temperance, or the vice which unfite Doecot proper for success, there must men for maintaining their rights, there * frmness of mind during this pro- philosophers considered as the greatest

sahich the passions in vain affail, and injustice to society, and that imbecility in intrepidity which darger in vain at and contempt were its natural confetopts to turn from the defence of quences.

. Adverfity may tempt the in- 2. Imprudence fignifies the directing pot to violate the life or property of the faculties of the mind to mean or a adividual, the pallions of ambition improper objects. If to the first, it deodarice to infringe on the rights of bales them; if to the second, it perverts

ods; but there are only proofs of de- them. “ The gamblers of Athens (said as in the virtues which fit for ihe pri. Demosthenes) are more active than the The of public stations of society, and magiftrates, and the Athenians are ruinter that unless fortitude is poffefTed, ed by the selfishness of the one and the 18 cannot be juft, or maintain the indolence of the other.” Disappoint. ghts of mankind.

ment accompanies the one vice, con. If the first Romans could not have tempt the other. | sed on fimple fare, they would not 3 . Pufillanimity fignifies incapacity to

e been fitted for the hardships of a endure the accidents of life, or to repel ampaign without resources: if they had the dangers which threaten our own or bot, amid freedom, had the prudence to the rights of mankind. When pufillanine obedient in the field, they could not mity is conftitutional, like every other are conquered their enemies: if they deficiency from Nature, it is not a subdoot poffefled firmness in adversity, ject of praise or blame; it appears in the and been ready to die in the cause of habitual prevalence of the depressing farir country, they could not have been passions. When pufillanimity is the

t, bor have maintained its rights either fruit of vicious habits, there depressing airft treacherous citizens or public paflions are all that remain of the impaired semics. Self enjoyment and the con faculties of the soul, “How (said Cato) fidence of mankind accompany the vir. can the Romans continue men, when tut of fortitude.

they waste the hours which fit for war, Tbe virtues comprehended in justice, in learning the Grecian effeminacies?'" wafidered as the difpofition to maintain This republican thought, that every cir. te rights of mankind, carry with them cumitance which tended to lesion the rach its obligation. Temperance has vigour of a foldier's constitution, had an zalth and unimpaired talents to enjoy influence on his mind, and unfitted him rizbts; prudence, capacity to discern for the hardships of the field. The imand secure them; fortitude, safety amid provement of taste and understanding, the vicillitodes of life, and the honour on the contrary, has a tendency to corof preserving the rights of a people. rect the paflions which engender pufil.

The oppofite vices have their specific lanimity. Scipio Africanus was as brave hferings, which doubles the obligation and virtuous as Cato, and far more ami. to maintain tbe rights of mankind. able in his character. Dejection and

1. latemperance fignifies the debilita. despair are the consequences of pufillani. ting the powers of the body and of the mity; mankind treat it with scorn and sind by excess andimproper objects. The derifion. appetites and paffions which have bodily The sum of the enjoyments from the pleasure for their objects, terminate in virtues of temperance, prudence, and abfoality, accompanied with languor fortitude, which enable us to maintain and disease. If the faculties of the mind the rights of mankind, and the sum of the *e directed to invent and employ means sufferings from the oppofite vices, conwtich injure, ipftead of maintaining the stitute the obligation to the virtue of rights of human nature, they terminate juftice." in debasement and incapacity. " How

(To be continued.]


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Contents of the annexed Chart of the general owing to the imprudent conduct and spe. Trade of England.

culations of some remarkable men; spe.

culations which destroyed in a great meaYears. Imports. Exports. · Balance sure that mutual confidence which in re. 1700. £ 4,550,000 6.6,300,000 £11,950,000 ality made every private merchant a pri1710 4 900,000 £7,000,000 2,100,000 vate bank, and enabled us to give longer 1720. 5.359,000 8,000,000 3,350,000 credits than any other nation in the 1730. 7.500,000 10,900,000 3,400,000

world. On this event did trade inftantly 1740, 7. 550,000 12.000,000 4.450,000

decline; but, as the evil was partly ima1750. 7,250,000 12,050,000 5,400,000

ginary, and men became more diftruftful 1760. 10,300,000 14,250,000 3,950,000

than they had any good reason to be, as 1770. 11,650,000 16,300,000 4,650,000 1780. 10,750,000 12,400,000

remembrance of it became less strong, 1,050,000

the effects began to be less felt; and the evil Observations upon the gener al Trade of Eng would soon have been effaced, had not a land.

more lafting and a greater misfortune then “ [n the general chart of exports and

commenced, under the name of a Reimports, which may be faid to represent

BELLION IN AMERICA ; which, in fact, the income of the nation, the ideas ex. was no more than the total milgiving of a cited by observing, at one view, the pro- great mercantile project, that had never greflive increase of commerce for a pe.

answered, and which, had the abandonriod of seventy years, are pleasing as well ment been less expensively managed, we as useful. It is agreeable to comprehend, were well quit of. It was the expence of at a single glance, the affairs of a nation abandoning the scheme, and not the fail. as completely as we can those of an in ure of the project itself, that precipitadividual, and to observe, that, in the ted evil on the commerce of England. year 1771, our commerce had increased Had America been lank in the Atlantic nearly to three times what it was in the ocean, it would not have had half the beginning of this century.

bad consequences that have ensued to this It is not, indeed, equally pleasing to country. observe, that, in the short period of ten

The same fort of circumstances that following years, the same commerce had occasioned the sudden fall in 1772, now decreased as much as the industry of men occafioned a much greater; for the capihad raised it in forty-four preceding ones.

tal employed in the English trade confifts In the year 1781 the exports were only partly in money and partly in credit, not as great as they bad been in the year 1727. from foreigners, but among ourselves, The imports, it is true, were greater;

This last portion of our capital was nearbut then they were also greater than ourly destroyed in the year 1772. But the imexports in the same year.

mense expence of losing America defiroyIt is not to tbe present purpose to ex

ed the more substantial capital in a great plain causes, but to represent effects as degree allo. We had 100 millions more they really are. If, however, a conjec. employed in trade in 1771 than in 1782 : ture were to be hazarded, it might be The least profit that sum could bring was observed, that, till about the year 1750, eight millions a year. One cause of the our riches bad increased morerapidly than

decline of trade is therefore very eviour luxury ; but that ever since, till the dent. year 1771, our luxury or expences at

Informer wars, the capital has also been bome increased above their alual pro withdrawn; but, during former wars, portion. The increase of luxury did not, there was a circumstance that prevented however, affcct our welfare, nor impede the effects from being so much felt. The our success; for at that time the exports artificial capital raised by credit was not were greater than they had been at any so great, and had not been stretched to former period.

the utmost, as in latter times; it there. Then it was that our affairs fuffered a note thata hioh rate of interest always hurts reverse, by the artifical capital of our

trade; a low rate is surely better, but it is Merchants being suddenly withdrawn *, the comisquence, and not the cause. Fora

• This artificial capital was preserved at a more fuil explanation of this, fee The Ingreater expence than s per cent. per annum, crease of Manufutures, Commerce, and Finance, ofico at more than so per cert, but still it ea- proposed in Regulations for the Intcraft of Moncy, couraged trade. It must be a mistake to lup. p. 13.

fore fore increased, and made up for the de. Years, Imports. Exports. Balance ficiencies in real capital, so that the na. 1776. £.245,000 .1,190,000 6.945,00 tional loans were not then so hurtful as 1777. 230,000 1,880,000 1,050,000 they are now,

1778. 265,000 1,150,000 885,000 It is probable that, unless a long peace 1779. 295,000 1,370,000 1,075,006 intervenes, to enable us to increase our


300,000 1,805,000 1,505,000 capitals, every future loan will be attend. 1981. 385,000 1,545,000 1,160,000

. 1782. 295,000 905,000 ed with the same decay of trade.

610,000 Without making useless reflections on Observations on the Trade with America. what is past, our business is, to take as « The commerce of England has not expanded a view as poslible, of all circum- in any instance experienced so rapid a destances, and to consider, from the past cline as in its trade to America. and the present complexion and appear Perhaps no kingdom ever formed a ance of things, what probably it may be more great or noble scheme, than that of best to do, not forgetting that the poli, peopling, governing, and protecting an tics of a nation acquiring wealth by eight part of the known world ; and the commerce, is widely different from that honour of having attempted it is all that of a nation getting riches either by con. Bow remains to England. The thing queft or colonies. The first of these we was in itself impossible, it was too great have it not in our power to enjoy ; and a project, and its principles were unexperience has taught us the fatality and found. We expected that obedience from uncertainty of the latter. loduftry and a child, that has only fometimes been attention feem much more deserving of exacted from a fave. our dependence, as they are the only real T here are particular spots on the earth sources of wealth, and causes of profpe- that are rich by nature, and seem to rity.

court the yoke from the inhabitants of It is to be remarked, that the real poorer countries. Such are the Spice balance in our favour is something Ifands, and other places in the East Ingreater than it appears to be: for the dies, the West India Islands, and some East and West India trades are against parts of South America ; and great richus, though, in the end, a great part of es are derived from extending dominion that returns with those individuals who over fuch, and importing their produce. come home to settle, and bring their The Romans, indeed, acquired riches by wealth with them. The information dominion over poor 'nations; but then it contained in these charts is as accu. was by a tributary revenue, it was not a rate as can well be obtained. The infor. commercial 0918, neither were the nations mation must all be derived from the pa founded and nursed at their expence. pers and books belonging to the custom The British empire followed a different house; and, did it not require so long plan from either of these in peopling Aa time to bring them up, we might have merica. It was at the expence of peothe satisfaction of seeing the charts con pling, protecting, and governing a ditinued to the last year. The plan is not ftant country, the fituation, extent, and much different from that of Lord Shef. nature of which were such as insured it field's, in his useful and ingenious work,

and ingenious work. liberty whenever it thought proper to as far as it relates to exports and im. make the demand. ports.

Things took their natural course: and Small variations in the exports and im. America, always a very expensive pofferports must be considered merely as mat. fion, at last afferied its own liberty, and ters of chance; it is only from contider. was successful. It has often been said, able alterations that any weighty con:

that America was too impatieni, and clufion is to be drawn.”

threw off the yoke too foon for its own Contents of the Chart representing the Trade

welfare. It might perhaps have been better

for America, but it would probably have with America.

been worse for Britain, had it been lers Years. Imports. Exports. Balance. ambitious of independence: those ex. 1770. L.1,480,000 £4,550,000 £ 3,070,000 pences, which have already been so pre1771. 1,430,000 4,630,000 3,200,000 judicial, would ftill have continued, and 1772 1,445,000 3,000,000 2,155,000 the expence of loting the whole would 1773• 1,405,000 2,405.000 1,000,000 have come at a time when perhaps we 1774. 1,435,000 3,840,000 2,300,000 might have been less able to support it. 2775. 2,065,000 985,000 1,080,000


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