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ceives an acre per month, and he who marches beyond it receives an acre and half. If a soldier dies in battle his family receives the full share of land he would have received had he lived and served his whole time: if he be disabled by wounds from further servitude, he reaps the same advantage as if he had served out the period for which he first agreed. Here is something worth fighting for, and this must be the rule for all future Republican struggles. Surely those who rid the land of its tyrants ought to share it among them, or so much of it as may not be occupied by the friends of liberty before. The Spanish Government should hold out the same inducement to the Spanish troops: in fact, such ought to be the reward of all patriotic soldiers who fight in defence of liberty and to rid their country of tyrants. Now a struggle for liberty exists on the two extremes of Europe we may have some hopes of brushing away all the old corrupt despotisms that have so long disgraced and brutalized its inhabitants, even throughout the Christian era. We may now hope for the day when Europeans shall be governed by rational institutions alone, when there shall be no common law but the general will; when Priests shall be compelled to throw off the mitre, the lawn, the surplice and cassock, and the vicious and hypocritical monk his cowl: and when all institutions that generate idleness, and its concomitant vice, shall be abolished, and productive industry become the only national characteristic. This, I believe, Republicans, sums up the whole of your views and upon these principles we will unite with all men who will unite with us. Without making such principles the foundation of all our actions all unions will be corrupt and useless and lead to disunion. We shew a disposition to unite upon sound principles, which is not the case with any of these deluders who prate so much about the necessity of public unions, whilst their very private actions tends to prevent any thing of the kind and to disgust all sound principled men. There should be private virtues as a necessary bond with all men who seek to promote public unions. Without these all unions will be unpro

ductive of public good. A union of pence that is deficient of a union of virtuous principles will procure no substantial benefits. Upon such principles as the Greeks and the liberal part of the Spanish nation are uniting we will unite with any one, but not with men who can talk about restoring "the beauties of our Constitution;" not with men whose ambition is centered in the existing House of Commons, and perhaps from that to the peerage, or some humbuging title or distinction; not with men who can overlook one half of those who are incarcerated for advocating the cause of Reform, and on all occasions suppress their names with a hope of drawing as great a share of the public support to a little faction of their own; not with men who can carry on all sorts of private intrigues to the injury of public individuals, who are really advocating the cause they profess to advocate; such men we despise, and with such men we will not unite, until they mend their manners and change their principles. Where are the "Radical Tourists" who were to visit every prison that contained an advocate of reform? We were dinned with the promise of this feat for months. Has any more favoured fellow prisoner heard of them? has any one seen them? The spring is past and autumn at hand; aye, and another winter too, which many a honest prisoner has to fill out within his loathsome walls. I would give a trifle to hear the "Radical Tourists" had visited a prison and cheered an honest man, in a manner that indicated a disposition beyond a paltry ambition and self interest. I have not yet heard such an instance, and if such a thing had been done, the great channels of Radical intelligence that made so much fuss in the beginning of the year about the matter would not have concealed the practical part of the thing.

The Vice Society is a Union: the Constitutional Association was a Union: there was a Union between the Bishop and the Soldier, and between all Bishops and all Soldiers, but these are not unions for patriotic purposes; nor are those about which we have so much profession and pretence with men who would be considered Reformers. We must

have other unions upon other principles, and other men to direct them before we accomplish the great end we have in view. The union of all patriots upon Republican principles, upon such principles as manifest not only the desire but the means to root out all abuses. We must not venerate Priestcraft because it is the established religion, nor Kingcaft because it is splendid and powerful, if we wish to establish a useful union we must go to the root of all abuses, of all taxation, from what ever source it arises, whether from Kingcraft or Priestcraft, before we can be justified to speak of a Radical Reform, or to call ourselves Radical Reformers. This is the ground of union: where are they who will unite with us upon this ground, Republicans? Let them speak out: let them define their principles that we may understand them: let us see whether we can unite with them or not; and let us not be in the dark as to what they mean and wish, and be as the Jew Books describes, like the blind leading the blind until both fall into a ditch together.

R. CARLILE.

TO THE CHRISTIAN JUDGE BAILEY.

LETTER X.

IN my last I passed through the prayers for morning and evening service in that Church of which the Right Reverend Father in God, Doctor Percy Jocelyn, Lord Bishop of Clogher, is one of the heads; one of those called and impelled to do what he has done by the Holy-Ghost. In the course of that letter, I advanced all the ideas that then struck upon my sentient principle as to the degrading nature and total inutility of prayer, and now I have to return to the subject and offer another instance or case in point. I noticed the prayer for the bishops in my last, and shew how it had been proved unavailing; but little did I then expect such an exposure, as has taken place with regard to different bishops, before the end of the month, to give such force to what I was writing. If I was weak and credulous enough to believe in the idolatrous tales about an over-ruling Providence, I should say, without hesitation, that I was assisted in my attack upon the Christian Idolatry; but as I believe nothing of the kind, I can only consider, that the present visibility of the crimes of Bishops and Priests is occasioned by their loss of power to conceal them. The present affair of the Bishop and the Soldier would have been smothered had not one individual connected with the daily-newspaper press in London been bold and honest enough to publish it, and give the name of the first wretch in full. If any thing were wanting to prove the idolatrous mockery of the Christian Religion, as related to morals or a belief in a Deity, it has been now furnished by this Christian Prelate. It is probable, that had he not been detected on the Friday, he would have entered some pulpit again on the Sunday, applauded you, Mr. Justice Bailey, and his associates of the Vice Society for putting down blasphemy, and attributed the starvation of the plundered poor of Ireland to the wrath of the Deity, and a just affliction for their sins. This is the practical Christianity, Mr. Justice Bailey! This is that religion to which you say every enquiring mind must come! I have enquired into it and I never will come to it. It is not only an idolatry, but one of the foulest kind: one that has done more to demoralize the human race than all that went before, or have existed with it. Bishop Jocelyn is not the first Christian,

nor the first Bishop, that has violated the laws of nature. Your practice of sinning and seeking forgiveness by prayer and penance has generated more crime than was ever known in the world before. Italy, the focus of Christianity, and the probable seat of its birth, has been a complete Sodom in all but the burning part, and if the fable of Sodom and Gomorrah had been true, the same powerful God would certainly have made Vesuvius and Etna belch forth fire enough to have destroyed every thing between the Alps and the Adriatic Sea. It now appears that our Christian Bishops and Priests are endeavouring so far to destroy the morals of the people of this country as to make it a third Sodom! The wretches shall be foiled and Christianity annihilated! By reading the first chapter of Paul's Epistle to the Romaus, we may be convinced, that, the first Christians were what the Bishop Jocelyn and the Christian soldier have now proved themselves. The women of this country have always been extremely jealous of the Society of Free-Masons upon this head; but it is a moral impossibility, if that had been their secret, that it could have been concealed. The women may be easy on this head, and turn their rage to monks, friars, and priests, and all sorts of religious classes and associations where the men separate themselves from the women. The gross credulity, effeminacy, and foul passions generated by religion, is just that species of excitement which must lead to the crime of Bishoping, or being confirmed in the faith by a Bishop. Being bishopped or confirmed in the faith of the Church of England, and being guilty of sodomy, will be always hereafter treated as synonymous terms. The practice of the imposition of hands, or the filling a youth or a convert with the Holy-Ghost, must be abolished, or it will be mingled in idea with the most beastly of crimes and make the latter a part of our common law. Christianity and Sodomy will become relative terms, and whilst the former continues to form "part and parcel of the law of the land," the latter cannot be rejected. Surely the practice and precedent of a Bishop is sufficient to constitute common law! Christianity has no other foundation upon our law, and the very precedent of mingling Christianity with the law of the land is argument sufficient for giving the same identification to sodomy. If the protection of the practice of sodomy be against existing laws, such was the case, in the first instance, with Christianity. Mr. Dyer, the magistrate at the Marlborough Street Police Office, must have had some idea of the close connection of sodomy with Christianity, or he would