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auxiliaries, and had only the gospel to search (as Origen more than once observes) for evidence against the gospel. A strong proof that there never had been any books, of any credit in the world, that questioned the gospel facts, when so spiteful and so artful an adversary as Celsus, made no use of them.'

• Celsus admits the truth of Christ's miracles : the difference between him and Origen lies in the manner of accounting for them; the one ascribing them to the power of God, the other ' to the power of magic. So that, if the considerer will stand to the evidence of his own witness, • the question will not be, Whether the miracles are true in (fact, for that is granted on both

sides) but whether the truth of the miracles infers the divine authority of the performer. Now ' can it be supposed, that Celsus would have admitted the miracles of Christ as real facts, had he ' not been compelled to it by the universal consent of all men in the age he lived ?'

• The truth is, that the objections of Celsus are preserved, and preserved in his own language. Origen's answer is not a general reply to Celsus, but a minute examination of all his objections; even of those which appeared to Origen most frivolous. For his friend Ambrosius, to whom • he dedicates the work, desired him to omit nothing. In order to this examination, Origen

states the objections of Celsus in his own words: and, that nothing might escape him he takes • them in the order in which Celsus had placed them. Celsus, then, as it happens is safe; and the considerer needs not to lament over him any more.' The fragments of the work of Celsus are, undoubtedly, of great importance.

of great importance. I have endeavoured to do justice to them, not only by my own large extracts, but likewise by these observations and summaries of three learned men: hoping, that thereby my

hoping, that thereby my defects may be supplied; and that some things may be better expressed by them than they have been by me.



I, His time, and works. "II. A passage from him concerning Peregrinus, in which is a copious

testimony to the Christians of that time, with remarks. III. His account of Alexander, roho set up an oracle in Paphlagonia, with remarks. IV. Passages from his True History. V. Extracts from the Dialogue, called Philopatris, ascribed to him, with remarks.

1. Lucian was a native of Samosata in Syria. According to Suidas " he flourished in the time of Trajan, and afterwards: but that is placing him too early. It is more probable, that he was born under Adrian: and he may be more properly said to have flourished in the reigns of Antoninus the pious, and M. Antoninus the philosopher; which last he survived, as appears from his Pseudomantis, where he speaks of that emperor as already deified.

Some have supposed, that in the latter part of his life Lucian was governor of Egypt: on the other hand, divers learned men ' have shewn, that he was only register of Alexandria. How ever, he speaks of that post, s as both honourable and profitable, and a step to higher preferment, no less than the government of a province. Some have spoken of Lucian, as an apostate from Christianity: but there is no sufficient reason to believe that ever he was a Christian.


a Vid. Fabric. Bib. Gr. l. iv. c. 16. T. ii. p. 485, &c. et –ότε θεος Μαρκος ηδη τοις Μαρκομανoις και Καδοις Lux. Evangel. p. 152. Tillem. L'Emp. M. Aurele, art. 20. OUVET Nexelo. Pseud. p. 775. Vol. i. bV. 18x12yos.

See Moyle, as before, Vol. i. p. 298. et Valesii Annot. Voss. de Hist. Gr. I. ji. cap. 15, et Tillem. ubi supra. in Euseb. H. E. I. vii. cap. 11. p. 147. et Annot. in Marceld I have taken some pains to adjust the age of Lucian. lin. I. xxviii. cap. i. And Tillem. as before quoted, calls him And from some notes of time, which are preserved in his Greffier du Prefet. d'Egypte.

works, I have fixed the 40th year of his age to the 164th { Apol. pro mercede conduct. T. i. p.491, 492. ' year of Christ, the fourth of M. Antoninus: and conse- h. Luciani Samosatensis clarum inter sophistas nomen est,

quently his birth to the 124th year of Christ, and the eighth quem fidei Christianæ fuisse desertorein, misereque periisse, of Adrian. Moyle's Works, Vol. ii. p. 363. Diss. upon quippe discerptum a canibus, e Suidâ nonnulli tradiderunt, the age of the Philopatris.

sed sine suffragio eruditorum. Tob. Eckbard., Non, Chris-tian. Testimon, cap. vi. sect. 9. p. 158.



Lucian is placed by Cave · at the year 176: and I shall place him there likewise; which is some while after writing his Peregrinus, and several years before publishing his Pseudomantis, another work to be quoted hereafter.

II. The work to be first quoted by me is a Letter to Cronius, concerning the death of Peregrinus, called also Proteus: who publicly burnt himself in the sight of all Greece, soon after the Olympic games were over in the year of our Lord 165, or as others say in the year 169: not long after which this history of him was written by Lucian.

Peregrinus, according to Lucian's character of him, was a person who rambled from place to place, and from one sect of philosophy to another. Having been guilty of parricide, and other crimes, as our author says, he was obliged for a while to leave his native country, and travel abroad. • At which time,' as Lucian says, · he learned the wonderful doctrine of the

Christians, by conversing with their priests and scribes near Palestine: and in a short time he * shewed, they were but children to him; for he was prophet, high-priest, ruler of a synagogue, ' uniting all offices in himself alone. Some books he interpreted and explained, others he wrote: • and they spoke of him as a god, and took him for a lawgiver, and honoured him with the title • of master. They therefore still worship that great man who was crucified in Palestine, because • he introduced into the world this new religion. For this reason Proteus was taken up, and * put into prison: which very thing was of no small service to him afterwards, for giving repu• tation to his impostures, and gratifying his vanity. The Christians were much grieved for his

imprisonment, and tried all ways to procure his liberty. Not being able to effect that, they • did him all sorts of kind offices, and that not in a careless manner, but with the greatest assi-,

duity: for even betimes in the morning there would be at the prison old women, some widows, • and also little orphan children: and some of the chief of their men, by corrupting the keepers, * would get into prison, and stay the whole night there with him: and there they had a good

supper together, and their sacred discourses. And this excellent Peregrinus (for so he was • still called) was thought by them to be an extraordinary person, no less than another Socrates:

even from the cities of Asia some Christians came to him by an order of the body, to relieve, • encourage and comfort him. For it is incredible what expedition they use when any of their • friends are known to be in trouble. In a word, they spare nothing upon such an occasion;

and Peregrinus's chain brought him in a good sum of money from them: for these miserable * men have no doubt but they shall be immortal, and live for ever : therefore they contemn * death, and many surrender themselves to sufferings. Moreover' their first lawgiver has taught * them that they are all brethren, when once they have turned, and renounced the gods of the

Greeks, and worship that master of theirs who was crucified, and engage to live according to • his laws. They have also a sovereign contempt for all the things of this world, and look upon ' them as common, and trust one another with them without any particular security: for which • reason any subtil fellow, by good management, may impose upon this simple people, and grow • rich among them. But Peregrinus was set at liberty by the governor of Syria, who was a · favourer of philosophy: who perceiving his madness, and that he had a mind to die, in order • to get a name, let him out, not judging him so much as worthy of punishment.' • Then,' as our author says, • Peregrinus returned to his native place Pariúin, in hopes of recovering his • father's estate: but meeting with difficulties, he made over to the Parians all the estate he might expect from his father; who then extolled him as the greatest of philosophers, a lover of his country, and another Diogenes, or Crates. He then went abroad again, well supplied * by the Christians with all travelling charges, by whom also he was accompanied : and he lived in great plenty. Thus it went with him for some while. At · length they parted, having given them also some offence, by eating, as I suppose, some things not allowed of by them.'

· Hist. Lit. T. i. p. 96.

e I have rendered that paragraph as it stands in Lucian ;. b Vid. Pagi ann. 165. n. 3. Basnag. ann. 165. iv. Cleric. but those titles seem not to belong to Peregrinus; and it may ann. 165. vi.

be suspected, that somewhat is wanting hereabout. Tanaquil c Fabric. Bib. Gr. T. iii. p. 500.

Faber, in his notes upon this place, conjectures that there • Όλεπερ και την θαυμασης σωφιάν των Χριστιανων εξεμαθε, , were here some expressions injurious to our Saviour, which a περι την Παλαιστινην τοις ιερεύσι και γραμματευσιν αυτων συσ- Christian copyist, more pious than wise, left out. However, γενομενος. Και τι γαρ και εν βραχεί παιδας αυθες απεφηνε, of that we cannot be certain. Perhaps, the place is genuine, προφητης, και θιασάρχης, και ξυναμωθευς, και παντα μονος and pure, as written by Lucian: but then, here are inaccuαυλος ων. . Kay Twy Betawr tas nav Etmello, xau discapai

: racies, owing to ignorance and mistake, or to design and πολλας δε αυλος και ξυνεΓραφεί και ως θεον αυθον εκεινοι εδιη- malice. The Christians did not speak of Peregrinus in those Γενθο, και νομοθείη εχωνίο, και προσαθην επείραφον. Τον μελαν high terms: but Lucian, as it seems, magnifes the respect γαν εκείνον εθι σεβασιν ανθρωπον, τον εν τη Παλαισινη ανασκολο- which the Christians showed to Peregrinus, the more to πισθεντα, ότι καινην ταυτην τελείην. εισηα/εν ες τον βιον. De expose them to ridicule. See Fabric. Lux Evangelii. p. 152. Morte Peregrin. T. i. p. 565, &c. edit. Græv. Amst. 1687. Επείλα δε ο νομοθέτης ο πρωλοςκ. λ. p. 567.

I now make remarks upon this passage.

1. Peregrinus is mentioned by many authors : but I do not recollect any remaining writer, either heathen or Christian, beside Lucian, who has said any thing of his Christianity.

His death is mentioned by Tertullian, and by Athenagoras, who likewise says he had a statue erected to him at Parium, his native place, situated in Mysia, not far from Lampsacus, which was supposed to give out oracles.

Several heathen authors mention him, and speak honourably of him. Aulus Gellius « saw him at Athens, and was acquainted with him: he calls him a famous philosopher, commends him, and ascribes to him some good maxims; but he says nothing of his death. Probably Peregrinus, called also Proteus, was still living when he wrote.

Ammianus Marcellinus o mentions his death, and calls him an illustrious philosopher.

Philostratus, who also mentions his death, calls him a cynic: and that he maintained that character, appears also from Lucian, who, in the account of his death, often rallies him as a celebrated cynic. And when Lucian ridiculed his vanity, he was - like to be torn to pieces by the cynics, who also were spectators of that transaction.

Peregrinus' was an old man when he threw himself into the flames in the year 165, or 169. I apprehend, that the time of his Christianity was the early part of his life, and that his imprisonment upon that account, must * have been in the time of Trajan, or Adrian at the latest. He was best known by the name of Proteus: but, as Lucian says, whilst he was with the Christians he was called Peregrinus. And it is manifest, from all the remaining writers who mention him, that he sustained the character of a philosopher and a cynic. It is probable therefore, that in the greatest, and the latest part of his life, he was a mere heathen philosopher: and it is reasonable, that a man's denomination should be taken from that part of his life which was best known. Lucian himself allows, that after having been some while among the Christians, he and they parted.

2. Having observed all these things relating to the history of Peregrinus, I proceed to some other remarks.

Here is an authentic testimony to some of the main facts and principles of Christianity from a man of free sentiments, not long after the middle of the second century, who knew the world, and was well acquainted with mankind. That the founder of the Christian religion was crucified in Palestine: That he was the great master of the Christians, and the first author of the principles received by them: That those men, called Christians, had peculiarly strong hopes of immortal life, and a great contempt for this world and its enjoyments: That they courageously endured many afflictions upon account of their principles, and sometimes surrendered themselves to sufferings. Honesty and probity prevailed so much among them, that they trusted each other without security. Their master had earnestly recommended to all his followers mutual love; by which also they were much distinguished. And their assiduity in relieving and comforting one another, when under affliction, was known to all men : nor is it, I presume, any disparagement to them that they were imposed upon by Peregrinus, who was admired by many others; and, perhaps, was not so bad a man as Lucian insinuates.

* --ωφθη γαρ τι, ως οιμαι, εσθιων των απορρήτων αυθοις. phum clarum; qui cum mundo digredi statuisset, Olympia p. 570.

quinquennali certamine, sub Græciæ conspectu totius, adscenso 6 Minus fecerunt philosophi, Heraclitus, qui se bubulo ster- rogo, quem ipse construxit, flammis absumtus est. Amm. core oblitum exussit, item Empedocles, qui in ignes Ætnæi . xxix. cap. 1. montis dissiluit; et Peregrinus, qui non olim se rogo immisit. - και τα προς τον κυνα Πρωθεα λεχθενία, ποτε υπ' αυ78 Tertull. ad Mart. cap. 4. p. 157

Alnopoiv. Phil. de Vit. Sophistar. 1. ii. n. 1. sect. 13. p. 563. • Και ο το Πρωλεως (τελος δ' εκ αυνοείίε ριψανία εαυθον εις το 8 Αλλ' όποίαν Πρωθευς, Κυνικων οχαριςος απανίωνπυρ περι την Ολυμπιαν) ο μεν και ελος λεβείαι χρημαθιζειν. Αλλ' οποίαν Κυνικος πολυωνυμος ες φλοία πολλην. κ. λ.. Atbenag. p. 30. Par. sect. 26. p. 304. Bened.

De Morte Peregr. p. 579. d Philosophum nomine Peregrinum, cui postea cognomen- » Αλλ' ολιγε δειν, υπο των κυνικων εξω σοι διεσπασθην. Ιb.. tum Proteus factum est, virum gravem, atque constantem vidimus, quum Athenis essemus, diversantem in quodam tu

-όσοι εθαυμαζον την απονοιαν τη γερονθος. Ιbid. p. gurio extra urbem. Quumque ad eum frequenter ventitare- 560. mus, multa hercle dicere eum utiliter, et honeste audivimus, See Tillem. Persécution sous Trajan. art. vii. M. E. T. ii. &c. Noct. Att. I. xii. cap. 11. Vid. et l. viii. cap. 3.

and M. Aurele. art. 29. H. E. T. ii. • Peregrinum illum imitatus, Protea cognomine, philoso


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Another thing may be observed, that from his manner of speaking it may be well argued, that Lucian did not know the reason why Peregrinus and the Christians parted.

I think it ought also to be observed, that Lucian, carrying on his drollery, misrepresents and aggravates several things. It was before · hinted, that the Christians did not consider Peregrinus as “ another Socrates :' but that is a way of thinking ascribed to them without reason: many of them might think charitably and honourably of Socrates : but every Christian was superior to, him. So likewise when Lucian says, that · Peregrinus was a prophet, high-priest, and ruler of

a synagogue, uniting all offices in himself,' he speaks inaccurately; thus joining together Judaism and Christianity. And as Lucian indulged himself in a loose and improper manner of speaking, I cannot but think it to be a groundless deduction which some have made from these expressions, that Peregrinus had been constituted a bishop among the Christians.

I proceed.

III. Lucian's Alexander, or Pseudomantis, as before hinted, was not written before the year 180, in the reign of Commodus ; forasmuch as here he gives Marcus Antoninus the title of god, or deified. It is a letter to Celsus, the Epicurean philosopher, containing the history of an impostor, named Alexander, who in the time of the forementioned Antoninus gave out oracles in Paphlagonia, and had vast success in his design : his oracle having been in great repute for some while in that, and neighbouring countries, and even at Rome itself.

But,' says Lucian, “when some, who had more wit than others, awaking as out of a drunken * fit, that had robbed them of all their senses, made head against him, chiefly men of the Epi* curean sect, and the secret arts of his contrivance began to be discerned in several places; he • struck a kind of terror among them, saying, “ that · Pontus was full of atheists and Christians, • who had the assurance to raise slanderous stories against him.” And he excited the people • not to spare them, but to drive them away with stones, if they would not lose the favour of the • god' [Asculapius.] He also appointed rites of initiation, like those at Athens, and a

holy feast of three days continuance; and on the first day of the solemnity proclamation was • made as at Athens : « If any atheist, or Christian, or Epicurean, be come hither as a spy upon • these mysteries, let him depart with all speed. And a happy initiation to those who believe in • God.” Then they thrust the people away, he going before, and saying: “ Away with the • Christians.” Then the multitude cried out again : “ away with the Epicureans.”

It is honourable to the Christians to be here mentioned with Epicureans by a favourer of the Epicurean sentiments. It evidently appears hence, that the followers of Jesus were now well known in the world by the name of Christians; and that they were then numerous in Pontus and Paphlagonia and the neighbouring countries : and finally, that they were formidable to cheats and impostors.

IV. I shall now cite a passage taken from the second book of what our author calls True History, but is indeed all fiction, as is acknowledged by himself at the beginning of the first book.

• He and his companions having travelled a great way,' came to the Island of the blessed, • where Rhadamanthus of Crete reigned. Soon after they came ashore, they were taken into

custody, and were bound with roses, there being no other chains in that country: which too fell off of themselves, when they were set at liberty. There were then several causes to be "tried before the king of the country: theirs was the fourth in order. When their cause came • on, they were asked, how they came to be there, when they were yet living? When they had * related their voyage, they were ordered to withdraw. The judge, having consulted with his i accessors and counsellors, determined, that after death, they should be punished for their curiosity and presumption : for the present they might converse with the heroes of the country, but the term of their sojourning there might not exceed seven months. Then they • were conducted into the city, which is all gold, surrounded by a wall of emerald, Rev. xx. • There are seven gates made of the wood of cinnamon; the pavement of the city, and the ground a See before note e, p. 150.


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Χριςιανος. Το δε πληθος απαν επεφθεύγείο Εξω Επικερειες. b Lucian. Vol. i. p. 746. &c.

x. 1. Ibid. p. 770. • -- εκφερει φοβερον τι επ' αυλες, λείων, αθεων εμπεπλησ- Παρ' ων δη καθ' οδον ακηκόαμεν, ως η μεν νησος είη των θαι, και Χριστιανων τον Πονον οι περι αυτο τολμωσι τα κακια μακαρων προσαξορευομενων αρχοι δε ο Κρης. Ραδαμανθυς. βλασφημειν, κ. λ. Ιbid. p. 762, 763. d Ib. p. 770...

Ver. Hist. I. ii. 1. i. p. 670. • Και εν μεν τη πρωτη, προρρησις ην, ώσπερ Αθηνησι, 8 -ενθουχανομεν τοις φρεροις, και περιπολοις. Οι δε δητοιαυλη. Ει τις αθεος, η Χριστιανος, η Επικερειος, ήκει καλα- σανlες ημας βοδινεις σεφανους-ανημον ως τον αρχονία. Ιbid. σκοπος των ορίων, φευδείς--Και ο μεν ηξεισο λείων Εξω


p. 671.

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within the wall, is ivory: the temples of all the gods are built of the beryl-stone; the altars in them are very large, consisting of one stone only, which is the amethyst, upon which they offer • hecatombs. "Round the city flows a river of the finest oil, the breadth of which is an hundred • royal cubits, the depth such as is most convenient for swimming in. Their baths are large • houses of glass, kept warm with fires made of cinnamon ; instead of water they have warm • dew in basons: their dress is purple, made of the finest-spiders webs. None grow old here ; * but they remain as they were when they arrived. They have no night, nor altogether bright

day; but such light as precedes the rising of the sum: nor have they more than one season of * the year ; for it is always spring, and the west is the only wind. The country abounds with • all sorts of flowers and plants, which are always flourishing: their • vines bear twelve times in ! the year, yielding fruit every month, Rev. xxii. 2. Apples and pomegranates, as they say, bear * thirteen times in the year, yielding fruit twice in the month, called by them . Minous. Instead

of corn the stalks have ready-prepared loaves at their tops like mushrooms. There are in the 'city three hundred and sixty-five fountains of water, and as many of honey, and five hundred fountains of oil, but less; seven rivers of milk, and eight of wine.'

More follows containing a description of the groves and fields round about the city: but I am not disposed to transcribe any more. They who please may consider, whether here are any allusions to the xxi. and xxii. chapters of the book of the Revelation. Lucian's description of this island, and the chief city of it, falls so far short of St. John's description of his New Jerusalem, that some may think he could not have so fine a model before him. However, let all judge as they see fit.

1. With Lucian's works is joined“ a dialogue, called Philopatris. Bishop Bull, and some others, have been inclined to think it Lucian's, or however, written about his time, in the reign of Marcus Antoninus : many others are persuaded, that it is not his, nor written in that reign. But there is a great diversity of opinion among these concerning the true age of it.

Mr. Moyle' thinks it was written in the time of Dioclesian, in the year of Christ 302, and 23 years

before the council of Nice. Dodwell 3 varied in his opinion, and in the end placed it in the year of Christ 261, and the eighth of Gallienus. Others have argued for the third of Aurelian, the year of Christ 272.

of Christ 272. And Gesner' is of opinion, that it was written in the time of the emperor Julian, after the middle of the fourth century. None of these learned men think the Philopatris to be a work of Lucian.

I am not able to determine the time when it was written; nor do I think it needful to be much concerned about it. I do not think it to be Lucian's; the style is very different from his, and vastly inferior to it. Some other reasons may offer by and by in our observations upon it: but, as the writer was a heathen, and it is joined with the other works of Lucian, I speak of it in this place.

Says Mr. Moyle: It is a Dialogue between Critias and Triephon: the first a professed heathen, the other an Epicurean, personating a Christian. The design of it is, partly to represent Christians as a sect of men disaffected to government, and dangerous to civil society: partly to expose their opinions, as the Trinity, the creation of the world, with several other articles of our faith.'

Triephon meets Critias, who by his countenance appears greatly indisposed: and being * asked the reason, Critias tells him, he had been where he had heard a strange discourse; ! and " that the things which he had heard that day, from those execrable sophists, had most * surprisingly affected him. Afterwards, he offers to swear by Jupiter, and Apollo, and other deities, which oaths Triephon rejects. By whom then shall I swear, says Critias. Triephon

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p. 438, &c.

1-3 μην υδε νυξ παρ' αυτοις γινεται, εδ' ημερα σανυ & See in the same Dissertation. p. 302. 314. 348, 349. λαμπρα. p. 672.

h Vid. Heuman. Pæcile, sive Epistolæ Miscellanez, Tom. i. • Αί μεν γαρ αμπελοι δωδεκαφοροι εισι, και καλα

μηνα έκαςον καρποφορεσι. Ιb.

i J. M. Gesneri Diss. de ætate et auctore Philop. Ad cal© Tom. ii. p. 763, &c. Græv.

cem. Tom. iii. Lucian. Opp. Amst. 1743. d Def. Fidei Nicen. sect. 2. cap. 4. p. 69. al. 73.

* As before, p. 285, 286. Et Philopatris, si ejus sit, saltem scriptoris coævi. Cav. 1 Ω Τριεφων, μελαν τινα, και απορημενον λοξον ακηκοα. H. L. p. 96. Vid. et Fabric. Bib. Gr. Tom. iii. p. 504. et Philop. Lucian. T. ii. p. 764. · Lux Evangelii. p. 153.

η Α γαρ ακηκοα τημερον παρα των τρισκαθαραίων εκείνων 1 See his Dissertation upon the age of the Philopatris. σοφισων, μεταλως εξωλκωσε με την νηδυν. p. 765. Lett. i. Vol. i. p. 292. VOL, IV.


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