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and other vicious affections; and they who profess to be teachers of virtue, might be ex* amples of it to others. In this way, it might be hoped, that evil might cease, when all were • become wise. This seems to me to have been the design of Jesus : and that husbandmen, and • carpenters, and masons, and other artificers, might not want this help to goodness, he appointed ? a common council of all together; and by plain and easy discourses he aimed to bring them, • both to the knowledge of God, and the love of virtue.'
This appears very honourable to our Saviour. Alexander, I think, must have read the books of the New Testament, the gospels at least. What he means by the common council of all
together,' may be doubtful; but it seems to me not unlikely, that he intends the college of Christ's apostles, among whom were a publican and several fishermen, and if we take in Paul, a tentmaker.
4. • They speak of Christ, though they do not know him; and they call him mind; and " they would appear to speak agreeably to the doctrines of the churches; but if so, why do they reject that which is called the ancient history ?'
It is hence evident, that Alexander had some knowledge of the received doctrines of the churches, or the reputed orthodox Christians. Accordingly, he here seems to blame the Mani. chees, for not receiving the scriptures of the Old Testament.
5. Presently afterwards, in an obscure manner, he argues against their opinion, that Christ was Mind.
6. Again, a little lower, he argues against their notion, that Christ was crucified, but without suffering • But,' says he, it would be more reasonable to say, agreeably to the ecclesiastical • doctrine, that he gave himself for the remission of sins. And it is agreeable to the sentiments • of others, and even of the Greek histories, which speak of some who gave themselves for the • welfare of their countries. Of which also the Jewish history has an example ; for it tells us, • that Abraham prepared his son for a sacrifice to God.'
7. He seems to refer to the history of Cain's killing his brother Abel, “ Gen. ch. iv.
8. He plainly refers to Gen. vi. 1, 2; and says, that the Jewish History speaks allegorically, when it says, that angels fell in love with the daughters of men.
9. This I think to be all which is needful to be taken from this writer. I am not able to de. termine with certainty, whether he was a Christian or a Gentile ; but I am rather inclined to think he was a Gentile. He must have had good knowledge of the Manichees and other Christians; and he appears to be not unacquainted with the scriptures of the Old and New Testament. He evidently was a learned and rational man.
His observations concerning the Christian philosophy, ' as plain and simple, and designed to • reform the manners of men of all ranks,' deserve particular notice. To me this work of Alexander appears very curious.
Praxagoras' of Athens," says Photius, wrote the History of Constantine the Great, in
* Τον δε Χριςον εδε γινωσκονlες, αλλα Χριςον αυθον προσαγορευοντες.- -Ναν ειναι φασιν.- Ει μεν το γνωςον, και το γίνωσκον, και την σοφιαν αυ78 λεψονίες ομοφωνα, έως τους απο των εκκλησιων περι αυ78 λεψεσι διαλατιομενοι, άλω ye αλωσονται: πως την λεπομενην παλαιας απασαν ισοριαν εκβαλλεσιν ; p. 18. D.
• P. 19. A. • Το μεν καλα τον εκκλησιαστικών λουον ειπειν, εις λυσιν αμαρίιων εαυτον επιδεδωκεναι, εχειν αισιν τινα προς τις πολλές, κακ των ισοριων των καθ' Έλληνας, ο7' αν φησιν, τινας υπερ σωτηριας πολεων εαυθες επιδεδωκεναι. Και παραδειλμα το
λοδα εχει και η Ιεδαιων ισορια, τον τ8 Αβρααμ παιδα εις θυσιαν τω Θεω παρασκευαζεσα. p. 19. C. D.
« P. ll. B. C.
• Οι μεν γαρ περι τελων διαλατζονίες, εν αλληξοριαις τα τοιαυία προφερονται, το σεμνον τ8 λούν αποκρυπτονίες της το μυθα ιδεα. Οιον οίι αν ή των Ιεδαιων ισορια Φη, τες αγελάς ταις θυλαίρασι των ανθρωπων εις αφροδισιαν συνεληλυθεναι μιξιν. .
Ανείνωσθη Πραξαβορε το Αθηναιο της κατα τον μελαν Κωνsaylıyor isopias Bobna duo. Phot. Cod. 6. p. 64.
p. 20. A.
Having made an abridgment of the work, containing an account of Constantine's early • life, his succeeding to his father, his wars in Gaul and Germany, and then his wars with • Maxentius and Licinius, of both which he gives a bad character, as vicious and tyrannical,' he adds : • Praxagoras, though he was of the Gentile religion, says, that the emperor Con- stantine had surpassed all the preceding emperors in every virtue, and in every kind of felicity; - and so concludes his history.” That must be reckoned honourable to Constantine.
Photius adds : • Praxagoras, as he says, was of the age of two and twenty years when he 6 wrote that history. He also wrote two other books of the History of the Kings of Athens, « when he was nineteen years of age. He likewise composed six other books, containing the
History of Alexander, king of the Macedonians, when he was one and thirty years of age. • His style,' says Photius, . is clear and agreeable, but somewhat unequal. He wrote in the • Ionic dialect.'
Praxagoras is supposed to have flourished in the time of Constantius; I place him, therefore, at the year 350; though the exact time of his writing cannot be known.
In the next place I take Bemarchius, who also follows next after Praxagoras in Vossius's work of the Greek historians.
• Bermarchius, of Cæsarea in Cappadocia, sophist,' says Suidas, “wrote the history of the emperor Constantine in ten books : he also wrote several declamations and orations.'
He also is supposed to have written in the time of Constantius : and Tillemonto therefore, beside what is in Vossius, observes : • that' Libanius speaks of one Bemarchius, a pagan sophist, ! who was much in favour with Constantius.' There is nothing of him remaining : nevertheless I cannot forbear to wish, that his history of Constantine was in being. His work was in ten books, and therefore must have been large and copious; and, as may be supposed, it was favourable to Constantine. This may be argued from Libanius, whose words imply, that Bemarchius had a great respect for Constantius, and was his admirer.
Tillemont observes in the same place, that Eunapius 8 also wrote the history of Constantine: • but undoubtedly,' as he says, it was in the body of his Universal History, which he had made • of the emperors from the death of Severus.' This also, if extant, I believe would be very curious: and I heartily wish that Universal History of Eunapius may be found in some library.
• Φησιν 8ν Πραξαθορας, καίτοι την θρησκειαν Ελλην ων, όλι σαση αρελη και καλοκαίαθια, και πανί, ευλυχηματι, τανίας τες προ αυτα βέβασιλευκόλας ο βασιλευς Κωνςανλινος απεκρυψαλο.
65. in. c Vid. Voss. Hist. Gr. l. ii. cap. 17. Tillemont, L'Emp. Constantin. art. 9o.
Βημαρχιος, Καισαρευς, εκ Καππαδοκιας, σοφισης. Ούλος
εγραψε τας Κωνςαντινε το βασιλεως πραξεις εν βιβλιοις δεκα, μελείας τε και λο/ες διαφορές. Suid.
L'Emp. Constantin, art. 90.
Oιμωλτεσι δη τοις ωδε πεπρα/μενους ερχείαι Βημαρχιος συμμαχος μηνι εβδομω, μαλα δη τον Κωνσαντιον ήρηκως ανηρ. mà. Liban. Vit. p. 15, 16.
5 Eunap. de Vit. Sophist. cap. 4. p. 40.
I. His time, history, and character, and his behaviour toward the Christians. II. His works,
particularly his work against the Christians. III. His regard to the Jewish people, and his design to rebuild the temple at Jerusalem. IV. Extracts out of his work against the Christians. V. Extracts out of his Orations and Epistles.
1. Julius Constantius, brother of Constantine the Great, had two wives : Galla, by whom he had Gallus and several other children ; and Basilina, a lady of an illustrious family, by whom he had Flavius Claudius Julianus, or Julian, who was her only child, she dying soon after his birth.
Julian was born at Constantinople on the sixth day of November, in the year of Christ 331, and died the 26th day of June in the year of our Lord 363, in the 32d year of his age, which was not complete.
As I have not room to write the history of Julian at length, I refer to several learned moderns, where more particulars may be found, and my mistakes, if I should make any, may be corrected.
Julian was about six years of age when Constantine died in 337: soon after which, in the year 339, when Julian was in the eighth year of his age, several of Constantine's family were put to death, and among them the father of Julian, and his eldest brother. The infirmities and weak constitution of Gallus, another brother of Julian, saved his life, it being thence concluded, that he could not live long; and Julian's tender age was a security to him.
Constantius took care that they should be educated by Christian masters. When Julian was about fourteen or fifteen years of age, he and his brother Gallus were sent to a palace in Cappadocia, where they lived at ease, but were well guarded; so that, as Julian' says, they were shut up as in a prison. Here they spent about six years, till the year 351, when Gallus was made Cæsar. At that time Julian was permitted to come to Constantinople: but his fine parts making him to be much taken notice of, he was sent away to Nicomedia, where Libanius then taught rhetorick. But Julian had been particularly charged not to converse with him, nor learn any thing of him. However, he had here a good deal of liberty, and was acquainted with divers heathen philosophers; some of whom cam.e hither on purpose to pay their respects to him. Here Julian, at about the age of twenty, took a liking to Hellenism : and it is said, that some of these philosophers did then give him hopes of being emperor. Constantius had informations concerning him: and Julian, for preventing disagreeable suspicions, as Socrates 5-says, was shaved, and made profession of being a monk. He privately studied philosophy, and publicly read the scriptures: and he was ordained reader in the church of Nicomedia.
In 354, Gallus was killed, and Julian was suspected of disaffection : he was sent for therefore to come to Milan, where the emperor then was, and a guard was set upon him. In this danger Julian's life was saved by the intercession of the empress Eusebia, who also obtained leave for him to travel into Greece: which was very agrecble to Julian, who wanted nothing more than
epotâ gelidâ aquâ quam petiit, medio noctis horrore Tillemont Hist. Emp. Tom. iv. Vie de l'Emp: Julien par vitâ facilius est absolutus, anno ætatis altero et tricesimo : natus Bletterie. See likewise Tillemont's long article of Julian's apud Constantinopolim; a pueritiâ usque parentis obitu Persecution in the seventh Tome of his Memoirs. destitutus Constantii, quem post fratris Constantini excessum Pagi ann. 337. num. ix. inter complures alios turba consumpsit Imperii successorum, e Više Julian. ad Athenienses, p. 270. C. D. Ammian, ut et Basilinâ matre, jam inde a majoribus nobili. Am. M. I. supra. Socrat. I. iii. cap. 1. Liban. Or. x. p. 262, C. D. xxv. cap. 3. fin.
i Ad Athenienses. p. 271. P. C.
Pagi, ubi supra, et passim. Basnag. ann. 363. et alibi. Car. cap. 2. Gregor. Naz. Invectiv. i. seu Or. 3. p. 58. D.
to complete his studies at Athens; and the emperor likewise was willing he should employ his time in matters of literature rather than politicks. In the year 355 Julian arrived at Athens; where also Basil and Gregory Nazianzen were studying eloquence, and other parts of polite literature. But Julian made no long stay there; for in the same year he was sent for by Constantius to Milan, and on the sixth day of November 355 he was declared Cæsar, that he might go into Gaul, and take the command of the army there: and Britain and Spain were also put under his government. A few days after that, Constantius gave him in marriage his sister Helena.
Julian left Milan on the first day of December, and before the end of the year came to Vienne in Gaul. In the wars with the Franks and Germans, who had made incursions into the country, he was very successful, and gained a great deal of honour and reputation there, and all over the empire.
In the year 360, about the month of March or April, in the 29th year of his age, he was against his will declared Augustus by the soldiers at Paris; who in a manner compelled him to accept the title, and to take upon him the government, no longer in the quality of Cæsar, but of emperor.
Julian thereupon sent some of his officers with a letter to Constantius, who was then in the East preparing for the war with the Persians, giving him an account of what had been done, desiring him to yield to him the title of Augustus, and promising all the submission that could be expected from a second and a partner in the empire. Julian's officers found Constantius at Cæsarea in Cappadocia; who resented the conduct of Julian, and sent him a letter, requiring him to be content with the title of Cæsar. That letter was received by Julian at Paris, and was read in the presence of the people and the soldiers. Julian offered to submit to the proposal of Constantius, if the soldiers approved of it; but with loud acclamations they confirmed to him the title of Augustus. Of this likewise Julian sent an account to Constantius; and afterwards several letters passed between them.
Julian came to Vienne near the end of the year 360, about which time he lost his wife Helena. He was still at Vienne on the 6th day of Januaryd in 361 : soon after which he went forward into Illyricum, and took possession of Sirmium the chief city. Constantius died in Cilicia the third day of November 361: on the 11th day of December' following Julians made his entrance into Constantinople, with the general acclamations of the people, attended by the senate, by whom he was proclaimed emperor.
Here he stayed about eight months :' and having settled matters, and conferred many favours upon that city, the place of his nativity, he set out for Antioch in Syria, where he arrived in July 362. And having completed his preparations for the war with the Persians, he set out with his army from Antioch in the beginning of March 363. In an action with the Persians he received a wound with a dart on the 26th day of June ; and being carried to his tent, he expired there in the night of the 26th day of June 363, in a calm and composed manner, entertaining his friends with philosophical discourses.
Thus died Julian, in the 32d year of his age, having been Cæsar about seven years and a half, Augustus, after his proclamation by the soldiers in Gaul, about three years, and sole emperor, after the death of Constantius, a year and almost eight months.
From whom that dart came was always uncertain ;' whether from the Persians, or from some of Julian's own men. His death was charged upon the Christians by Libanius, because, as he argued, they were the only men who had an interest in it: and no Persian was rewarded for it; nor did any of them claim any honour upon that account. But there never was any proof brought of that charge ; nor have other heathen writers joined with Libanius in it, but rather suppose, that the dart “ came from the enemies.
There are reported some blasphemous expressions to have been spoken by him at that time, a Pagi ann. 355. num.
ut genitalem patriam; et colebat. Amm. l. xxii. cap. ix. u See Tillemont L'Emp. Constance, art. 55. Bletterie Vie de Julien. liv. 2. p. 170.
k Ammian. 1. xxv. cap. 3. Liban. Or. Parent. T. i. C Aminian. l. xxi. cap. 2.
p. 323. B. C. D. et apud Fabric. Bib. Gr. Tom. vii. sect. 14. c Vid. Pagi ann. 361. num. iv. Basnag. ann. 361. num. p. 362. Vid. et Sozom. I. vi. cap. 1. et 2. Zos. I. iii. p. 728.
'Pagi 361. num. vi. 8 Ammian. l. xxii. cap. 2. | Vid. Socrat. I. iii. cap. 21. Sozom. 1. vi. cap. 2. Theod. i Omnibus igitur, quæ res diversæ poscebant et tempora, 1. iii. cap. 25. perpensâ deliberatione dispositis,
dum se inconsultius præliis inserit, hostili manu inlimis, Antiocbiam ire conteudens, reliquit Constantinopolim terfectus est. Eutrop. 1. x. cap. 16. Et. Conf. Ammian. I. xxv. incrementis multis fultam. Natus enim illic, diligebat eam
d Id. ib. cap. 2.
cunctorum favore sub
of which Theodoret writes in this manner : • It is said, that when he was wounded, he took a
handful of his blood, and threw it up into the air, saying at the same time ; O thou Galilean, * thou hast got the better of me.' Sozomen tells the same story a little differently, and then adds : • But some say, he was displeased with the sun, who had sided with the Persians and • deserted him: and that holding up his hand, and shewing his blood to the sun, he threw it up « into the air.' The same is also related by Philostorgius.
Theodoret says, that a man of good understanding, who taught children at Antioch, was « in company with Libanius the celebrated sophist, who asked that person, what the carpenter's son was doing. He replied: The maker of the world, whom you jeeringly call the carpenter's son, is making a coffin. And in a few days after tidings came of Julian's death.'
If Libanius was pleased to talk in that rude manner, 1 think, such an answer might be made without a spirit of prophecy. Some other like things may be found in our ecclesiastical historians, which I forbear to take notice of.
Nevertheless, I think it not improper to observe a short story told by Jerom, in his comment upon the third chapter of the prophet Habakkuk : who says, When he was yet very young, • and at a grammar-school, when all the cities were polluted with the blood of victims, on a • sudden, in the heat of the persecution, came news of the death of Julian. Whereupon one of the • heathen people said not much amiss : How comes it, says he, that the Christians style their « God patient and long-suffering? For none can be more hasty and passionate; he was not able • to defer his indignation for the shortest space. So said that person in a jesting way: but the • church of Christ sang with exultation : « Thou didst strike through the heads of the powerful • with astonishment." Habakkuk iii. 14. according to the reading of the Seventy.
It is not needful that I should draw the character of Julian at full length, but I shall observe some things. Ammianus Marcellinus was well acquainted with him, and was his great admirer, and was present with him in the Persian expedition ; he has twice touched upon the lines of his character: First, entering upon the history of his conduct in Gaul, after Julian had been declared Cæsar, where he says, in the way of panegyric, that ' he might be compared to Titus * son of Vespasian for prudence, to Trajan for valour, to Titus Antoninus for clemency, and for * strong reasoning to Marcus Antoninus, whom he took for his great model of imitation in all • his actions.'
Again, after Julian's death he draws his character more at length, describing : his person, his temper, and manners : He" was extremely temperate in eating and drinking, and slept • little: his chastity is represented as exemplary and inviolate : his skill in every branch of • science was very great for his age.' His genius for learning is highly applauded by heathen authors; nor is it disowned by Christians; and his remaining works are proofs of it. His great ability, and his facility in writing, appear in the several works composed by him in the space of those twenty months in which he was sole emperor; and that amidst the hurries of a joyful accession, and the diligent administration of justice, beside all the ordinary affairs of so vast an
• Εκεινον δε γε φασι, δεξαμενον την πληψης, ευθυς πλησαι pinus, recta perfectaque rationis indagine congruens Marco, την χειρα αίματος, και τελο διψαι εις τον αερα, και φαναι: Νενι- ad cujus æmulationem actus suos effingebat et mores, &c. &c. κηκας, Γαλιλαιε. Theod. 1. iii. c. 25. p. 147.
Ammian. I. xvi. cap. 1. Vid. et cap. v. Soz. I. vi. cap. 2. p. 638. C. D.
& Mediocris erat staturæ, capillis, tamquam pexisset, molc L. vii. cap. 15.
libus, hirsutâ barba in acutum desinente vestitus &c. Id. d Theod. 1. iii. cap. 23.
1. xxv. cap. 4. p. 463, 464. e Dum adhuc essem puer, et in grammaticæ ludo exer- h Vir profecto heroïcis connumerandus ingeniis-Cum cerer, omnesque urbes victimarum sanguine polluerentur, enim sint, ut sapientes definiunt, virtutes quatuor præcipuæ, ac subito in ipso persecutionis ardore, Juliani nuntiatus est temperantia, prudentia, justitia. fortitudo,- -intento studio interitus, eleganter unus de Ethnicis, Quomodo, inquit, Chris- coluit omnes ut singulas. Et primum ita inviolatâ castitate tiani dicunt Deum suum esse patientem, et aveEsxanov ? Nihil epituit, &c. Ammian. I. xxv. cap. 4. sub in. iracundius, nihil hoc furore præsentius ; nec modico quidem * Νυν δε την μεν γυναικα επενθησεν, έτερας δε εδε προθερον spatio indignationem suam differre potuit. Hoc ille ludens oud' vsepov vyalo. Liban. Or. Parental. sect. 88. p. 313. ap. dixerit. Cæterum Ecclesiæ Christi cum exultatione cantavit : Fabric. Bib. Gr. T. vii. Divisisti cum stupore capita potentium. Hieron. in Hab. k Επει δε σερι ελιανε το βασιλεως ελλοθιμα ανδρος ολιία T. iii. p. 1636.
diegen besy ou porsilai. Socr. 1. iii
. cap. 1. in. # Namque incrementis velocibus ita domi forisque colluxit, Εχων τοινυν ευρυα την γλωτίαν ο κραθιστος Ιαλιανος. Cyril. ut prudentia Vespasiani filius Titus alter æstinaretur, bello- contr. Jul. 1. i. p. 3. D. rum gloriosis cursibus Trajani simillimus, clemens ut AntoVOL. IV.