bius being ignorant of Herod's story, and having heard of the slaughter of the infants; when he met with this jest in some author, concluded, that there had been some young child of Herod 'put to death with them.' I am content therefore to leave it a doubtful point, whether Macrobius transcribed this whole passage, or the jest only, from some more ancient author.' Upon the whole then, there lies no objection against this relation of St. Matthew. There is nothing improbable in the thing itself, considering the jealous cruel temper of Herod. The silence of Josephus, or of the ancient Greek and Roman historians, can be no difficulty with any reasonable person. This fact is confirmed by the express testimony of very early Christian writers, and by Macrobius, a heathen author, about the end of the fourth century; from whom • it appears that this event was not then contested, and that it was even better known than the 'fate of those sons of Herod, whom Josephus says he put to death at man's estate.' All this I wrote formerly. Nor am I now able to say any thing more pertinent, or more material. b However, I shall observe that this jest of Augustus stands in a chapter of Macrobius, which • contains a collection of Augustus's witty sayings or jests upon others, and the repartees or smart sayings of others upon him; which, as it seems, to his no small honour, he bore very patiently. As they are all independent on each other, no elucidations can be brought in from the connexion; for there is none. с Pontanus, in his notes upon this place, says, Scaliger wondered that Augustus should 'make this reflection upon Herod, since Augustus himself had confirmed the sentence of death upon the three sons of Herod.' I do not find that place in Scaliger. But whoever wondered at it, it was without reason in my opinion. For though Augustus complied with the requests or proposals of Herod, and gave him leave to do with those sons as he pleased, the emperor might still think it a strange thing that any prince should put so many of his own sons to death; and he might well say, alluding to the Jewish custom of forbearing to eat swine's flesh, it was better to be Herod's hog than his son.' Very probably that was the occasion of the jest of Augustus. And therefore, as Whitby says: It must be confessed that Macrobius is mistaken about the circumstances of this story.' CHAP. LVI. RUTILIUS. His time, and character, and work, and extracts from him. d I. CLAUDIUS RUTILIUS NUMATIANUS, whose father had borne several high offices in the Roman empire with great applause and acceptance, was a native of Gaul. He had himself been præfect of the city, and master of the palace; and, as some say, consul and præfect of the prætorium, which I do not think to be certain. In the year 418, in the time of Theodosius the younger, he made a visit to his native country, or returned to it, with a design to reside there. He has described his voyage thither from Rome in an elegant Latin poem, consisting of two books, the second of which is almost entirely lost. a De jocis Augusti in alios, et aliorum rursus in ipsum. Saturn. 1. 2. cap. iv. b Soleo in Augusto magis mirari quos pertulit jocos, quam ipse quos protulit, quia major est patientiæ quam facundiæ laus; maxime cum æquanimiter aliqua etiam jocis mordaciora pertulerit. Sat. 1. 2. cap. 4. p. 335. © Miratur autem Scaliger ad Eusebium, p. 163, hæc verba excidisse, cum ipse Augustus sententiam capitis in tres filios Herodis judicio suo probatam confirmaverit. Pont. in loc. d Vid. Voss. de Hist. lat. 1. 2. cap. 15. Tillem. L'Emp. Honorè, art. 67. Fabric. Bib. Lat. I. 3. cap. 13. To.n. i. p. 630. a II. In his voyage he touched at Capraria, a small island lying between Leghorn and Corsica. This island' says he, is full of men that shun the light. They call themselves monks, a name borrowed from the Greek language, because they chuse to live alone. They dread the gifts of fortune, because they are not able to bear her frowns: and make themselves miserable because they are afraid of being so. What foolish distraction of mind-to dread adversity, and yet not be able to bear prosperity! He goes on to ascribe their way of life to melancholy, illnature, and hatred of mankind. b III. Soon after, at Gorgona, another small island near Pisa, among the hermits there, he met with a young gentleman of his own acquaintance, whom he laments and banters in the following manner: And here a Roman citizen has buried himself among the rocks alive. For the young man, once our friend, of noble parentage, and ample fortune, happy too in 'marriage, impelled by the furies, forsakes the society of gods and men. The superstitious fool ⚫ hides himself in a dark hole. The unhappy wretch believes the cœlestial deities to be pleased with human misery, and plagues himself worse than the angry gods would do. What new mischief do we see worse than the sorceries of Circe? She metamorphosed the bodies of men into the shape of swine. This religion makes men brutes all over!' IV. Hence it is apparent that hermitages and monasteries, which had their religion in the East, were now got also into Europe. Other reflections I forbear, as obvious, and easy to be made by all who are disposed to think. C V. Beside these two passages, more directly relating to Christian affairs, it may be observed that, at the port Faleria, when Rutilius went ashore, he found the heathen people celebrating the feast of Osirus. Here he met with a Jew who had some authority in the place: and he laments the conquest of Judea by Pompey and Titus, which had occasioned the spreading of the Jewish superstition over the empire.' I have thought this worth notice, because, possibly, here is a reference to the increase of Christianity, which was derived from Judaism, and certainly had spread farther in the Roman empire than Judaism itself. I therefore put the verses in the margin. An exact translation is not needful. d However, at the year 418, the year of this voyage of Rutilius, Pagi has some curious observations upon the laws of the empire at that time. He says that the Jews were then of great Processu pelagi jam se Capraria tollit. Squallet lucifugis insula plena viris. Ipsi se monachos Grajo cognomine dicunt, Dum mala formides, nec bona posse pati? Rutilii Itinerarium, lib. i. ver. 439-452. b Assurgit ponti medio circumflua Gorgon, e • Sed male pensavit requiem stationis amœnæ Nec pueros omnes credere posse reor. Latius excisa pestis contagia serpunt ; d Ann. 418. num lxx. Ibid. ver. 381-398, 396 CHAP. LVII. OLYMPIODORUS. His work, and time, and extracts from him. a 1. I begin immediately with Photius's account of this author. b с We read,' says Photius, the two and twenty books of Olympiodorus. He begins his history at the second consulship of Honorius, emperor of Rome, and the second of Theodosius, * and brings it down to the time that Valentinian, son of Placidia and Constantius, was declared emperor of Rome. This writer was of Thebes in Egypt, a chymist by employment, as he says himself, and as to religion a Greek. He dedicates his history to the emperor Theodosius, son of Arcadius, and nephew to Honorius and Placidia. Hereby it appears that the history of Olympiodorus began at the year 425, when Valentinian the third was declared emperor. Theodosius the younger, who reigned from the year 408 to 450. Valentinian, it must have been published between the year 425 year 425, where he is placed by Cave. d the year 407, and reached to The history was dedicated to As it reached to the reign of and 450. I place him at the Photius says the author's style is clear; nevertheless he passeth a censure upon his manner of writing. However Tillemont says that, the extract, which Photius has preserved, makes us regret that we have no more of him: for, certainly, he would clear up many things. Zosimus cites him by name, and appears to have borrowed several things from him, as well as • Sozomen.' Cave considers him as a very superstitious Gentile, and thinks he was partial in what he says of some Christians. Nevertheless, if his history were now extant, I believe it would have been curious and entertaining. But the bigotry of some people who have destroyed works which they did not like, has deprived us of a great deal of pleasure, as well as instruction, which we might have had. 2. I shall transcribe a few things out of the extracts of Photius, which are all we now have of this history. Olympiodorus gives a brief account of one Constantine & a common soldier, who was proclaimed emperor by the Roman army in Britain out of respect to his name, in the reign of Honorius, A. D. 407, and was put to death in 411. h Whilst these things were transacting,' says he, Constantius aud Ulphilas are sent by Honorius against Constantine: who coming to Arles, where Constantine then was with his son, laid siege to it. And Constantine, taking refuge in a church, was ordained presbyter, his life having been promised to him with the security of an oath. The gates of the city were then open to the besiegers; and Constantine, with his son, was sent to Honorius. But the emperor not being able to forgive the treatment of his cousins, whom Constantine had killed k vere Christianam miris effert laudibus Augustinus, eumque, ut avoolapyov, falso non minus quam invidiose traducit. Cav. ib. p. 468. 8 Hujus loco Constantinus, ex infimâ militiâ, propter solam spem nominis, sine merito virtutis eligitur, qui continuo, ut invasit imperium, in Gallias transiit. Oros. 1. 7. cap. 40. p. 576. Apud. Phot, ib. p. 184. * Και Κωνσαντίνος, καταφυγών εις ευκτήριον, πρεσβύτερος τότε χειροτονείται, όρκων αὐτῷ ὑπερ σωτηρίας δοθεντων. κ. λ. Ibid. p. 184. He means Didymus and Verinianus. Vid. Sozom. 1. 9: cap. 4. et 13. et Zosim, 1, 5, et 6, contrary to the oath that had been given, ordered them to be both put to death, when they 'were yet thirty miles off from Ravenna.' 3. I shall observe briefly another passage or two in the extracts of Photius. This writer,' says he, gives an account of a voyage he made to Athens, not without some danger.' He says that by his interest Leontius was advanced to the sophistic chair when he ⚫ did not himself at all desire it.' He likewise says that none, especially strangers, might wear the cloak without leave of the sophists, and submitting to the ceremonies of initiation. Which are there transcribed, and are ridiculous enough. b Upon occasion of this passage, Tillemont, and other learned men, refer to an oration of Gregory Nazianzen, and observe that the same fooleries were still practised at Athens, with regard to scholars newly arrived, which are described by Gregory in his time. I think we may also hence conclude that Gentilism still prevailed very much at Athens, and that it was not restrained with much rigour and severity by Christian magistrates. 4. Once more, there is a story told by this writer, which he had heard from a man of 'great note, of three silver images found in the earth in Thrace. And when this treasure was inquired into, it was found that they had been hid by the people of the country in a conse'crated piece of ground, as a security against the incursions of barbarians. The images lay with their faces toward the north, the country of the barbarians. And,' as he says, the removal ⚫ of them was soon followed by the incursions of Goths, and afterwards of Hions.' This story is a proof of the writer's superstition and credulity: which, as I apprehend, were common dispositions in heathen people of all ranks, high and low, learned and unlearned. Indeed, we have seen many proofs of it. CHAP. LVIII. ZOSIMUS. I. His time and works. II. Extracts from his history. II. Extracts from his history. III. Concluding remarks upon the foregoing extracts. I. I SHALL likewise begin the history of this writer with the extracts of Photius. 'We'read,' says Photius, the history of Zosimus, count, and ex-advocate of the treasury, in six books. As to religion, he is impious, and often reviles the pious. His style is concise ⚫ and perspicuous. He begins his history at the time of Augustus, and runs through the several reigns to Dioclesian, in a brief and hasty manner, mentioning little more than the successions of the emperors. But after Dioclesian he is more particular, writing their history in five books, whereas the first alone comprehends all the rest from Augustus to Dioclesian. And the sixth book concludes with Alarich's second siege of Rome.' Photius adds farther that, Zosimus f so nearly resembles Eunapius, that he may be said to have transcribed him, rather than to have written a new history, except that he is more concise, and does not rail at Stilicho; for the rest, his history is much the same. And they agree in reviling the pious emperors.' So says Photius: but Zosimus has not mentioned Eunapius. h с There needs little more to be said by way of a previous account of this writer. Cave placeth him as flourishing about the year 425. And Euagrius says he lived in the time of Honorius κοσυνηγορε. Εσι δε θρησκειαν ασεβής, και πολλακις εν πολλοις ὑλακτων κατα των ευσεβών. κ. λ. Phot. Cod. 93. p. 269. a Λεγει δε και εις τας Αθήνας καταραι, και τη αυτε σπεδη και επιμέλεια και εις τον σοφισικον θρόνον αναχθήναι Λεοντιον επω θέλοντα· Λεγει δε και περι τα τρίβωνος, ώς εκ εξην κατα τας Αθήνας περιβαλέσθαι αυτόν τινα -w μy if TWY σopi5wv γνωμη επετρεπε -x. λ. Ib. p. 189. Or. 20. p. 327. C Ap. Phot. p. 188, 189. d • Ανεγνώσθη ισορικον λόγοις ἐξ Ζωσιμο, κόμητος από φιστ e In our present copies the latter part of the first book is wanting. Hodie postrema pars libri primi, ea nempe quæ a Probo usque ad Diocletianum, desideratur. Fabric. Bib. Gr; T. 6. p. 604. f Ib. 271. m. 8 Hist. Lit. Tom. i. p. 468. ል -η και μετ' αυτές γεγονως Euagr. 1. 3. cap. 51. p. 312. A. and Arcadius, and afterwards. As he quotes Olympiodorus he must have written after him, if that passage be genuine and some learned men are of opinion that he plainly borrows some things from Olympiodorus, in the fifth and sixth books of his work. I shall place below what Fabricius says concerning his time, not very disagreeably to what has been already observed. Zosimus has been often blamed for his severe reflections upon Constantine and Theodosius the first, and has been defended by others. He is manifestly an enemy to the Christians; and, in point of his own religion, very superstitious and credulous. I think it best for me to transcribe from him a good part of what he says directly or indirectly of Christians: and I shall also take in some of his remarkable strokes in favour of Gentilism. These things may entertain my readers, as I apprehend, without perverting any of them. Indeed I think this method necessary to set before my readers the state of things in the Roman empire at that time, both with regard to Gentilism, and to Christianity. b But before I proceed to make my extracts I shall put down here a part of what Vossius says of this author, in his work concerning the Greek historians. Zosimus, count and ex-advocate of the treasury, lived in the time of the younger Theodosius, as appears from Euagrius. He has left six books of history: the first of which runs through the emperors from Augustus to Dioclesian. In the other he relates more at large the Roman affairs to the second siege of Rome by Alarich, and his appointing Attalus emperor, and then dethroning him again. It is probable that he went somewhat lower, as something seems to be wanting at the end of what we have.The style of Zosimus is concise, pure, and perspicuous, as is observed by Photius in his Bibliotheque. But he was a pagan, and frequently blames Christian princes: upon which account he has been censured by Photius, Euagrius, Nicephorus, and others. But • Leunclavius is of opinion that, even in those things, Zosimus ought to be credited. For it is ⚫ certain that Christian princes were guilty of great faults, which a faithful historian ought not to 'conceal.' So says Vossius. And I have thought it best not to suppress his judgment. C Vossius, as we have seen, supposed somewhat to be wanting at the end of the last book. But Fabricius, who has since considered that point, is of opinion that we have it entire. I have not observed any where an account of the place of this writer's nativity, nor of his usual residence. He is called count, which shews his dignity, and is said to have been exadvocate of the treasury: which seems to shew that he had for some time an honourable employment under the emperor, in whose time he lived; but the emperor is not named. Valesius, in his notes upon Euagrius, is inclined to place Zosimus much lower than is generally done. He thinks he flourished in the time of the emperor Anastasius: and says that the character of advocate of the treasury, differs little from that of sophist. II. I now proceed to make extracts. 1. In his first book, in the reign of Aurelian, speaking of some superstitious customs of the Palmyrens, and the benefit of them: But these things, says he, I leave with the happiness of those men. For the present race has rejected the divine benefit.' And soon afterwards: a Scripsisse videri possit non post Eunapium modo, sed Olympiodorum Thebanum quoque (adeoque post A. C. 425.) quem libro v. cap. 27. allegat, ubi de Ravennâ urbe disserit, quamquam locus iste glossema videtur Lambecio.-Ea vero, quæ de Constantino Tyranno habet libro vi. et quæ de Alaricho ac Stilichone scribit libro quinto, cuncta fere ex Olympiodoro mutuatum esse notat Henr. Valesius ad Sozom. p. 170. Quoniam porro Olympiodorus historiam suam usque ad Valentiniani iii. sive Placidi imperium produxit, quod cœpit A. C. 435, hinc constat, Zosimum non ante id tempus historiam suam composuisse. Post Arcadii et Honorii tempora rejicit etiam Euagrius. iii. 41. Fabr. Bib. Gr. 1. 5. cap. v. T. 6. p. 606, et 607. b Zosimus quoque, comes et ex-advocatus fisci, vixit tempore Theodosii junioris, ut ex Euagrio Scholastico constat. Reliquit Historiæ libros sex, quorum primus Cæsares ab Augusto usque ad Diocletianum percurrit. Cæteris quinque fusius persequitur res Romanas usque ad Romam iterum ab Alaricho obsessam, Attalum ab eo designatum Imperatorem, posteaque eâ dignitate exutum- Sed homo fuit Paganus. Unde creber est in sugillandis principibus Christianis. Quo nomine etiam a Photio reprehenditur, item Evagrio, Nicephoro, et aliis. Sed Leunclavius censet, ne in istis quidem fidem facile Zosimo esse abrogandam. Nam et Christiani principes quædam enormia vitia habuisse quæ fidelis historicus minime debeat præterire. G. J. Voss. Hist. Gr. 1. 2. cap. xx. Vid. etiam Ĵ. A. Bosius, ap. Blount Censura auctor. in Zosimo. p. 209. Gesta hæc sunt, in quibus desinit Zosimi historia, anno Christi 410, Honorii Imp. 16, Theodosii Junioris 3. Atque ex isto Photii loco patet, historiam Zosimi, quam ipse legit, non longius productam fuisse, quam in nostris codicibus extat : quamquam Vossius-verisimile putavit paullo ulterius progressum, &c. Fabric. Bib. Gr. T. 6. p. 607. Et advocati fisci dignitas, quâ ornatur Zosimus, non multum abhorret a sophisticâ. Vales, Ann. ad Euagr. 1. 3. |