Imágenes de páginas

selves where they could, or running away to be out of danger. The bishop [Possidius, Au. gustine's friends hid himself in a private place, where he heard the noise of those who were • searching for him with intent to kill him, and saying among themselves that they had yet done

nothing till they could find him.' Augustine goes on, complaining, that the magistrates all this while were very negligent, though Christians, as it seems.

Nectarius, a Pagan, native of Calama, and a man of distinction in the place, and now in years, hearing of this disturbance, and apprehensive of the consequences, wrote a respectful letter to Augustine, earnestly entreating for mercy. • He acknowledges that the offence was ' great; but he hopes that the resentment might be mitigated. He is pleased, as he says, • to think that he is writing to a man of so good understanding as Augustine: tells him, how be

coming tenderness must be in the episcopal character. He reminds him that it is the place of • his nativity, for which he justly has a great affection, and wishes to leave it when he dies in a • flourishing condition. Damages, he says, may be repaired : other punishment might be for• borne. Above all let not innocent men suffer with the guilty.'

To that letter Augustine presently wrote an answer. It is the letter out of which the fore. going extracts have been made, as Augustine there relates distinctly the behaviour of the people of Calama.

With regard to the petition of Nectarius in favour of them, his answer is in general to this purpose: • That he and other bishops are disposed to shew all the gentleness which becomes • Christians. At the same time it was fit to inflict such punishment as might be sufficient to • deter others from following a bad example.'

That letter was afterwards answered by Nectarius, to which Augustine also made a reply. But I do not think it needful for me to make any more extracts, or to take any farther notice of those letters now.


The Overthrow of Rhadagaisus, a Gothic Prince, in the year 405.


In the year 4:05 or 406, whilst Alaric was still in Italy, or hovering over it, there another very formidable enemy against the Romans, a Gothic prince likewise, named Rhadagaisus, or Rhodogaisus, not a Christian, as Alaric was, but a Pagan, and a Scythian, as he is sometimes called, for his fierceness and barbarity.

I begin my accounts of this affair with Zosimus, who writes to this purpose: Whilst “ Alaric " was intent upon those things, Rhadagaisus came into Italy with a vast number of men, not • less than four hundred thousand, consisting of Gauls and Germans from the other side the · Rhine and the Danube. At the very first tidings of which all were filled with great conster• nation. When all the other cities, and Rome itself, were so apprehensive of the extreme · danger they were in, that they almost despaired of safety; Stilicho, taking with him all the • forces which were at Ticinum in Liguria, to the number of about thirty thousand, together • with such auxiliaries of the Alans and Huns as were at hand, without waiting for the approach • of the enemy, suddenly crossed the Arn: by which means he came upon the barbarians before

they were aware, and cut them all off with an universal destruction, excepting a very few, , « whom he afterwards incorporated with his own forces.'

Hæc ergo;

* Sed quoniam crescit in dies singulos dilectio et gratia ab innocentibus molestia reparetur-De damnis facilis pocivitatis, quaviumque ætas fini proxima est, tantum incolu- test haberi taxatio; tantum supplicia deprecamur. Ad Aumem ac foreritem relinquere patriain cupimus. Idcirco gau- gust. Nectarii Ep. 90. al. 201. den primuni, quod apud ivstructum disciplinis omnibus virum b Nobis itaque cordi est, veque Christianam aniittere manmibi hic est serino institutas. In Calamensi colonià multa suetudinem, neque perniciosum cæieris imitationis exemplum sunt, quæ merito diligamus, vel quod in eâ geniti sumus, vel in illâ civitate relinquere- -Ep. 91. al. 202. num. 6. quod eidem magna contulisse videmur officia.

© Baron. A. D. 406. Basnag. A. 405. iii. iv. Tillem. domine præstantissime et merito suscipiende, non levi populi L'Emp. Honoré. art. xxii. xxiii. A. 405. sui erratu prolapsa est. Quod quidem si juris publici rigore

d Zos. 1. v. p.

S03. meriamur, debet plecti severiori censurâ. Sed episcopum fas • Και τους βαρβαροις απροσδοκητοις επιπεσων, απαν το non est, nisi salutem hominibus impertire, et pro statu meliore πολεμιον πανωλεθρια διεφθειρεν" ωςε μηδενα σχεδον εκ τοτων causis adesse, et apud omnipotentem Deum veniam aliorum περισωθήναι, πλην ελαχιsες, σας αυτος τη Ρωμαιων προσεmereri delictis. Quamobrem quantâ possum supplicatione Byxe ouuu axı? . . deposco, ut si defendenda res (non) est, innoxius defendatur,


The same story is in Olympiodorus, another Gentile historian. He does not mention the number of the men, but he says that the Goths, who were with Rhodogaisus, had twelve thousand chiefs or generals. Christian historians have enlarged more in their accounts of Rhadagaisus, and with good

• Orosius who calls him a Goth, and a Scythian, speaks of him as the most cruel and * terrible enemy the Romans ever had. On a sudden he overrun almost all Italy. He had in $ his army more than two hundred thousand men. The Pagans at Rome, and every where, • were very tumultuous. The city, they thought, could by no means withstand such an enemy, * who had the assistance of the gods, to whom he sacrificed every day. The city must soon fall • into his hands. They had none to help them, now the gods and their rites were banished. In • short, the Christian religion, they said, had quite ruined the state, and brought them into this • miserable condition. Nevertheless this formidable enemy was overcome, and his numerous * army destroyed. The victory was complete and easy, and almost miraculous. The city did • afterwards fall into the hands of another enemy: but he was a Christian, and shewed mercy to • Christians, in which the Pagans also shared.'

• Augustine' was at Carthage when Rhadagaisus overrun Italy, and drew near to Rome * with his numerous army. The Pagans made no doubt but Rhadagaisus would overcome, who • sacrificed daily to the gods whom the Romans had now discarded, and so far from worshipping * them had forbidden under penalties the offering any sacrifices to them.'

Undoubtedly the danger was imminent. And if those barbarians and Pagans had besieged and taken Rome, which they had already devoured in their thoughts, the ruin would have been great and terrible. But' as Augustine observes, more than a hundred thousand of those Goths and barbarians were destroyed in one day, whilst the Roman army suffered little or nothing.

Rhadagaisus fled: he and his sons were put to death. And it manifestly appeared that the • sacrifices, on which the Pagans set so high a value, were not necessary for the safety of the * city and empire.'

• Augustine says there were many, (meaning I suppose Pagans) who were desirous that this


* Ότι των μετα Ροδογαισε Γοτθων οι κεφαλιωται, Οπτιματοι passim greges hominum venderentur. Sed nihil superesse εκαλέντο, εις δωδεκα συντεινοντες χιλιαδας, κ. λ. Αp. Phot Deus de eodem populo sinit. Nam illico cunctis qui emeCod. 80. p. 180.

bantur moriensibus, quod improbi emtores eorum non impen. b Rbadagaisus omnium antiquorum præsentiumque hos- derupt turpiter pretiis, expenderunt misericorditer sepulturis. tium longe immanissimus, repentino imperu totam inundavit Oros. 1. 7. cap. 37. Italiam Nam fuisse in populo ejus plusquam ducenta millia c Quod tamen nostra memoriâ recentissimo tempore Deus Gothorum ferunt. Hic supra hanc incredibilem multitudinem mirabiliter et misericorditer fecerit, non cum gratiarum actione indomitamque virtutem paganus et Scytha erat ; qui, ut mos commemorant : sed, quantum in ipsis est, omnium, si fieri est barbaris hujusmodi gentibus, omnem Romani generis san- potest, hominum oblivione sepelire conantur. Quod a nobis guinem diis suis propinare devoverat. Hoc igitur Romanis si tacebitur, similiter erimus ing ati. Cum Rhadagaisus rex arcibus imminente, fit omuium Paganorunı in Urbe concur- Gothorum agmine ingenti et immani jam in Urbis viciniâ sus: hosteir adesse cum utique virium copiâ, tum maxime constitutus, Romanis cervicibus immineret, uno die tania præsidio deorum potentem : urbem autem ideo destitutam celeritate sic victus est, ut ne uno quidem, non dicam ex. et mature perituram, quia deos et sacra perdiderit. Magnis stincto, sed vulnerato Romanorum, multo amplius quam cenquerelis ubique agitur, et continuo de repetendis sacris cele- tum millium prosternerentur ejus exercitus, atque ipse cum brandisque tractatur. Fervent totâ urbe blasphemiæ : vulgo filiis mox captus pænâ debitâ necaretur. Nam si ille tam nomen Christi tamquam lues aliqua præsentium temporum impius cum tantis et tam impiis copiis Romam fuisset ingresopprobriis gravatura Duo tunc Gothorum populi cum duo- sus, cui pepercisset ? Quibus honorem locis martyrum detubus potentissimis regibus suis per Romanas provincias baccha- lisset? ln quâ personâ Deum timeret? Cujus non sanguinem rentur: quorum unus Christianus, propiorque Romano, et fusum, cujus pudicitiam vellet intactam? Quas autem isti pro (ut res docuit) timore Dei mitis in cæde, alius Paganus, bar-' diis suis voces laberent, quantâ insultatione jactarent, quod barus, et vere Scytha— Sed non sinit Deus rem potentiæ ille ideo vicisset, ideo tanta potuisset, quia quotidianis sacrisuæ, virtutem hominum et maxime hostium videri.


ficiis placabat, atque invitabat deos, quod Romanos facere Christerritum divinitus Rhadagaisum in Fæsulanos montes cogit; tiana Religio non sinebat? Nam propinquante jam illo his locis, ejusque (secundum eos qui parcissime referunt) ducenta mil- ubi nutu summæ majestatis oppressus est, cum ejus fama lia hominum, inopum consilii et cibi, in arido et aspero mon- ubique crebresceret, nobis apud Carthaginem dicebatur, hoc tis jugo, urgente undique timore concludit Parum hoc est, credere, spargere, jactare Paganos, quod ille diis protegentinisi captum et catenatum ac subjugatum sciant, quem timuere bus et opitulantibus, quibus immolare quotidie ferebatur, Romani ; illumque idololatram suum, cujus sacrificia se ma- vinci omnino non posset ab eis qui talia diis Romanis sacra gis pertimescere quam arma fingebant, sine prælio victum ac non facerent, nec fieri a quoquam permitterent-Ita verus vinctum sub jugo catenisque despiciant. Igitur rex Rhada- Dominus, gubernatorque rerum, et Romanos cum misericorgaisus, solus spem fugæ sumens, clam suos deseruit atque in dia flagellavit, et tam incredibiliter victis supplicatoribus nostros incidit, a quibus captus, ac paulisper retentus, deinde dæmonum, nec saluti rerum præsentium necessaria esse sacriinterfectus est. Tanta vero multitudo cap brum Gothorum ficia illa monstravit. Aug. De Civ. Dei, 1. 5. cap. xxiii. fuisse fertur, ut, vilissimarum pecudum modo, singulis aureis

• event, if possible, should be forgotten and buried in oblivion: but he was of opinion that this • deliverance which had lately happened, and was known to all, and which God had so very wonderfully, and so very mercifully vouchsafed, should be thankfully remembered.'

I shall now place below the account of this event, as given in the Chronicle of Marcellinus.

And I beg leave to say, that we have seen the testimonies of two heathen writers concerning it. They bear witness to the character, and the number of this Gothish prince and his army, and the suddenness and completeness of the victory obtained over him. Nor have the Christians magnified beyond them. But the observations are their own; and it is referred to the reader to consider whether they are not just.

Augustine has mentioned this event in another place, in a sermon to the people, where he tells the story over again, and makes a good improvement of it.


Rome besieged, taken, and sacked by Alaric the Goth in the

year 410.

I must not entirely omit the history of Alaric; but I am desirous to be as brief as possible, for which reason I shall mention principal things only, omitting the rest.

His story may be seen in Olympiodorus, and < Zosimus, and · Claudian, heathen writers, as well as in divers Christian historians.

Alaric was a Goth, and therefore called a barbarian. But he was a man of a great and a generous mind, and a Christian of the Arian denomination. He had served as a general under Theodosius among the barbarians, who had joined themselves to him in the expedition against Eugenius and Arbogastes in the year 394. But not being well used afterwards as he thought, he became an enemy to the Romans, and after wasting Greece, and Thessaly, and Macedonia, and committing many acts of hostility, he came into that part of Italy which is called Liguria, where 5 was fought in the year 402 or 403, the difficult battle of Pollentia, now Pollenza, and where Stilicho was conqueror. After which it has been thought that with good management Alaric might have been quite subdued, ' or reconciled, upon reasonable terms; and might have been ever after a firm and useful friend and ally of the Roman empire.

But however that may be, we find that in the beginning of the year 408, Alaric made an attempt upon Rome itself

, as we were informed by * Zosimus some while ago; when the senate agreed to pay Alaric the sum of four thousand pounds in gold, though it was not approved of by all. In the same year, in the month of August, Stilicho was put to death: and before the end of the year Alaric came before Rome, and besieged it again, some of the stipulated conditions, as is supposed, not having been performed. At which time, as we were also told before by ' Zosimus, the city being reduced to great straits, they agreed to pay Alaric five thousand pounds of gold and thirty thousand pounds of silver, four thousand silk garments, three thousand skins of purple dye, and three thousand pounds of pepper. But these, or some other conditions of peace, not having been duly performed, Alaric came before Rome again the second or the third time, and besieged it, and took it in the month of August, in the year 410, as is supposed. This calamity, however, was attended with some favourable circumstances, owing to the gene

• Rhadagaisus, Paganus et Scytha, cum ducentis millibus Virtutis fatale solum, memorabile bustum suorum totam Italiam inundavit. Huldin et Sarus, Hunno

Barbariæ ! rum Gothorumque reges, Rhadagaisum continuo devicerunt,

Claudian. Carm. 26. de Bello Get. p. 635-638. ipsius capite amputato, captivos ejus singulis aureis distrahentes. Marcellin. Chr. p. 37. edit. Scalig.

* Taceo de Alarico rege cum Gothis suis sæpe victo, sæpe & Serm. 105. cap. x. Tom. v. Bened.

concluso, semperque dimisso. Oros. 1. 7. cap. 37. in. i Ap. Phot. cod. 80. p. 176. &c.

Quamobrein Alaricum, cunctamque Gothorum gentem, d Zos. I. 5. p. 783. &c.

pro pace optimâ et quibuscumque sedibus suppliciter ac sim* Claud. Carm. 26. de Bello Getico. et Carm. 24. De pliciier orantem, occulto fædere fovens, publice autem et Sexto Consulaty Honorii.

belli et pacis copiâ negatâ, ad terendam terrendamque RemSocrat. l. 7. cap. X. p. 346. Soz. 1. 9. cap. vi. vii. viii, publicam reservavit. Oros. l. 7. cap. 38. sub init. Philostorg. 1. 12. p. 532. &c. Vid. et Oros. et Augustin. i Vide Basnag. ann. 403. num. ii.

* Above, at p. 411, 412. | Above, at p. 412, 413, 8 () celebranda mihi cunctis Pollentia seclis !

O meritum nomen felicibus apta triumphis ! VOL. IV.


rosity of Alaric, and his profession as a Christian. For, as Orosius a

For, as Orosius says, when he gave his soldiers leave to plunder and make a prey of the city, he commanded them to spare the lives of men as much as possible. He likewise gave strict orders that no injury should be done to those who fled to Christian churches, and especially to the churches of the apostles Peter and Paul ; which were particularly mentioned by him because they were the largest, (so likewise says Augustine;) which orders were observed by the soldiery. And hereby the lives of some Pagans also were preserved: for all who fled to those privileged places were safe. So write Orosius and Augustine, who were contemporaries.

It was indeed a great calamity. But, as Orosius says, Alaric of his own accord, left the city after three days. And, as he thinks, Rome had suffered as much before several times, particularly when the city was invaded by the Gauls, and when it was set on fire by the emperor Nero. Augustine says the same. Marcellinus, in his Chronicle, says that • Alaric left Rome on the sixth day after he had taken it.

When Alaric left Rome he ravaged Campania, and other places of Italy, going toward Sicily,
and thence intending, as is supposed, to invade Africa. Philostorgius says that Alaric died in
Campania. But Olympiodorus says he went as far as' Rhegium: which is more probable.
However, they both agree in saying that Alaric died by 8 distemper.
This event was reckoned very opprobrious to the Roman name.


reflections were cast upon the Christians by the Gentiles, who imputed this disaster to the progress of the Christian religion, and the neglect of the ancient rites, in the use of which the Roman empire had long flourished. Those reflections were the occasion of Augustine’s writing his work of the City of God. They were also the occasion of Orosius's writing his seven books of History against the Pagans; often called his * Hormista, or Mundi Chronicon. Of which work, to mention it now by the bye, I never saw a good account, though some good critics have attempted it. I have long been of opinion that Hormista is a corruption of these two words—Orbis Gesta, a very proper title for Orosius's work.

But though the taking of Rome by Alaric was the occasion of many reflections upon the Christians; and those two learned authors did thereupon very reasonably undertake a vindication of Christianity; I suppose this event was very prejudicial to the interests of Gentilism, and consequently conducive to the progress of the Christian religion.

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a Adest Alaricus; trepidam Romam obsidet, turbat, ir- toris suis spectaculis inflammationem recenseam, proculdubio rumpit. Dato tamen præcepto, [prius) ut si qui in sancta nulla comparatione æquiparabitur secundum id, quod excitaloca, præcipueque in sanctorum Apostolorum Petri et Pauli verat lascivia principis, hoc quod nunc intulerat ira victoris. basilicas confugissent, hos in primis inviolatos securosque sine. Neque vero Gallorum meminisse in hujusmodi collatione rent. Tum deinde, in quantum possent prædæ inhiantes, a debeo, &c. Oros. l. 7. cap. 39. p. 575. sanguine temperarent. Oros. I. 7. cap. 39. in.

d Alaricus trepidam urbem Roniam invasit, partemque 6 Testantur hoc Martyrum loca, et basilicæ Apostolorum, ejus cremavit incendio, sextoque die quam ingressus fuerat quæ in ista vastatione Urbis ad se convenientes suos et alienos deprædatà urbe egressus est. Marcell, Chr.


38. receperunt-Sic evaserunt multi, qui nunc Christianis tem- - Αλάριχος τα κατα Καμπανιαν εληίζετο, κάκει νοση poribus detrahunt, et mala quæ illa civitas pertulit, Christo PbEifeTa... Philost. p. 534. B. imputant. Aug. De Civ. Dei. I. 1. cap. 1.

Ap. Phot.

p. 181. sub fin. Quicquid ergo vastationis, trucidationis, deprædationis, con

ότι Αλαριχο νοσο τελευτησαντος, κ. λ. Αp. Phot. cremationis, afflictionis, in istá recentissimå Romanâ clade commissum est, fecit hoc consuetudo bellorum. Quod au- h Interea Roina Gothorum irruptione, agentium sub rege tem more novo factum est, quod inusitatâ rerum facie imma- Alarico, atque impetu magnæ cladis eversa est, cnjus eversionitas barbara tam mitis apparuit, ut amplissimæ basilicæ im- nem deorum falsorum multorumque cultores, quos usitato plendæ populo cui parceretur, eligerentur et decernerentur, nomine Paganos vocamus, in Christianam religionem referre ubi nemo feriretur, unde nemo raperetur, quo liberandi multi conantes, solito acerbius et amarius Deum verum blasphemare a miserantibus hostibus abducerentur-hoc Christi vomini, cæperunt. Unde ego exardescens zelo domûs Dei, adversus hoc Christiano tempori tribuendum, quisquis non videt, cæ- eorum blasphemias, vel errores, libros De civitate Dei scribere cus: quisquis videt, nec laudat, ingratus : quisquis laudanti institui. Aug. Retract. I. 2. cap. 13. reluctatur, insanus est. Aug. de Civ. Dei. I. i.


Adversus Paganos Historiarum libri septem. Vid. ibid. lib. c Tertiâ die barbari, quam ingressi fuerant Urbem, sponte i. in Proæm. discedunt, facto quidem aliquantarum ædium incendio, sed k Hormistam, id est, mundi Cbronicon. Vide Testimonia ne tanto quidem, quantum septingentesimo conditionis ejus de Orosio, apud Havercamp. et alibi. anno, casus effecerat. Nam si exhibitam Neronis Impera

p. 180.


The Correspondence between Augustine and Volusian, in the


4.12. I now intend to give an account of the correspondence between Augustine and Volusian in the year 412.

İt is supposed, though I do not perceive it to be certain, that he was uncle to the younger Melania by the mother's side. Who or what his father was I do not find. His mother was a pious Christian woman, who was desirous of her son's conversion to Christianity; but I do not see her name any where.

The name Volusian must have been common among the Romans. Rufinus Volusianus was ordinary consul in the year 311 and 314. There were in the same fourth century several eminent men of this name, and in some of the highest offices of the empire. This Volusian was a man of great distinction. It has been supposed that Rutilius in his poem mentions liim as proconsul of Africa; which is not certain; however it is allowed that · he was præfect of Rome in the year 421.

I suppose Volusian to have been now at Carthage. Augustine's letter to him is to this purpose: • He assures him that he sincerely wisheth him prosperity in this world, and that he

should be glad to see him a Christian, agreeably to the wishes of his pious mother, at whose

request he writes to him. He earnestly recommends to him the study of the sacred scriptures, • and especially the epistles of Christ's apostles, who often quote the writings of the ancient • prophets; and thereby he will be led to the understanding of them also. If any doubts and

difficulties arise in his mind, he might send them to him in writing, and he would answer them as he is able. He thinks that to be preferable to conversing together, which may not suit the

many engagements of either of them; and it may be difficult to find a season when both shall • be at leisure.' Which may be supposed to imply that Volusian had now some important post in the government; but what it was cannot be said.

Volusian in his answer to that letter treats Augustine very respectfully, and says, " he shall

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· Benedictin. Not. ad Augustin. ep. 132.,

dam amicorum conventibus aderamus. Frequentes profereb Vide Pagi ann. 314. num. i.

bantur illic pro ingeniis studiisque sententiæ. Erat tamen c Vid. Gothofred. Prosop. p. 391, 392.

sermo rhetorica partitio. Apud agnoscentem loquor. Nam etiam ista paullo ante docuisti-Alii rursus poëticam eleva.

bant faventes. Ne hanc quidem eloquentize partem tacitam Rexerat ante puer populos pro Consule Pernos. aut inhonoram relinquis—Tunc ad familiarem tuam philoÆqualis Tyriis terror, amorque fuit.

sophiam sermo deflectit, quam ipse Aristotelico more tam

Rutil. ver. 167. &c. quanı Isocraticam fovere consueveras. Quærebamus et quid Gothofred. ibid.

egerit præceptor ex Lyceo; quid Academiæ multiplex er De salute tuâ, quam et in hoc seculo, et in Christo esse continuata cunctatio; quid ille disputator ex porticu; quid 'cupio, sanctæ matris tuæ votis sum fortasse etiam ipse non Physicorum peritia; quid Epicureorum voluptas; quid inter impar. Unde meritis tuis reddens salutationis obsequium, oinnes infinita disputandi libido, tuncque magis ignorata veribortor ui valeo, ut literarum vere certeque sanctarum studio tas, postquam præsumptum est quod possit agnosci. te curam non pigeat impendere - Pracipue Apostolorum Dum in his confabulatio nostra remoratur, unus e multis, linguas exhortor ut legas. Ex his enim ad cognoscendos Pro- Et quis, inquit, est sapientiâ ad perfectuin Christianitatis imphetas excitaberis, quorum testimoniis utuntur Apostoli. butus, qui ambigua in quibus hæreo possit aperire, dubiosque Si quid autem vel cum legis, vel cum cogitas, tibi oritur assensus meos verâ vel verisimili credulitate firmare? Stupequæstionis, in quo dissolvendo videar necessarius, scribe ut mus tacentes. Tunc in hæc sponte prorumpit: Miror, utrum rescribam. Magis enim hoc forte Domino adjuvante potero, mundi Dominus et rector intemeratæ feminæ corpus implequam præsens talia loqui tecum, non solum propter occupa- verit, pertulerit decem mensium longa illa fastidia mater, & tiones varias et meas et tuas, (quoniam non cum mibi vacat, tamen virgo enixa sit solennitate pariendi, et post hæc virgioccurrit ut et tibi vacet) verum etiam propter eorum irruen- nitas intacta permanserit. His et alia subnectit: Intra cor. *tem præsentiam, qui plerumque non apti fali negotio, magis- pusculum vagientis infantiæ latet, cui par vix putatur univerque linguæ certaminibus, quam scientiæ luminibus delectan- sitas, patitur puerilitatis annos, adolescit, jurentute solidatur: tur Aug. Ep. 132. al.

tam diu a sedibus suis abest ille regnator, atque ad unum cor, 8 Petis me, vir probitatis justitiæque documentum, ut pusculum totius mundi cura transfertur. Deinde in somnos 'aliqua ex ambiguis lectionis peritæ discenda perconter. Am- resolvitur, cibo alitur, omnes mortalium sentit affectus. Nec plector gratiam muneris imperati, meque libenter in discipli- ullis competentibus signis tantæ majestatis indicia clarescunt, nas tuas offero, veteris sententiæ auctoritatem secutus, quæ quoniam larvalis illa purgatio, debilium curæ, reddita vita denullam ad perdiscendum abundare credit ætatemDomine functis : hæc, si et alios cogites, Deo parva sunt. Intervenisancte, ac merito venerabilis pater, est operæ pretium cognos- mus alterius inquirenti

, solutoque conventu, ad potioris peritiæ cere habitam inter nos proxime confabulationem. Quibus- merita distulimus, ne dum incautios secreta temerantur, in

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