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• be so : but " when he has the temper of a man dipped, and professed, then he is indeed, and * is called a Jew. Even so we are counterfeits, Jews in name, but in reality something else.' It appears
to me doubtful whether Christians Sre here intended, or only Jews, and proselytes to Judaism : who sometimes lived like Jews, and sometimes like Greeks. It is reasonable to think that many did so in the time of Epictetus, when Jews were hardly treated by Domitian.
2. In the other place Epictetus is speaking of intrepidity, or fearlessness, and particularly • with regard to a tyrant, surrounded by his guards and officers, and says: • Is it possible that • a man may arrive at this temper, and become indifferent to those things from madness, or from
habit, as the Galileans, and yet that no one should be able to know by reason and demonstra• tion that God made all things in the world—?
Some have thought that by the Galileans are here meant the followers of Judas' of Galilee. I should rather think that Christians are intended; of whose sufferings there are such accounts in Tacitus and Suetonius, as may assure us that Epictetus and Arrian could not be unacquainted with them. The followers of Judas of Galilee were extinct before this time. Our Lord had dwelt in Galilee the greatest part of his life here on earth. He was called “the prophet of Galilee."
Most of his wonderful works were wrought in that country, or near it: and his disciples were called Galileans. Such things often occur in our gospels, and the Acts of the apostles. So that it is not at all unlikely that in early days, as well as afterwards, the Christians might be opprobriously called by some Galileans.
Suidas says that, in' the time of the emperor Claudius, they who before had been called • Nazarenes and Galileans, received a new name at Antioch, and were called Christians. Mani, in the third century, sometimes called the catholics Galileans, as appears from one of his epistles still extant. I think there can be no question made but that the Christians, in general, were sometimes called Galileans before the time of the emperor Julian.
It is however very observable, that this stoic is much displeased with some people who had exceeded his own sect in fortitude and patience. A like reflection we shall meet with hereafter in a passage of the emperor Marcus Antoninus, likewise a stoic philosopher, by whom the Christians are expressly named.
Mrs. Carter, who by her translation of the discourses of Epictetus has done honour to herself, and to her sex, has a note upon this place, which deserves to be transcribed here. Epictetus, says she, “probably means not any remaining disciples of Judas of Galilee, but the Christians, • whom Julian afterwards affected to call Galileans. It helps to confirm this opinion that M. • Antoninus [l. 2, sect. 3] mentions them by their proper name of Christians, as suffering death • out of mere obstinacy. It would have been more reasonable, and more worthy the character • of these great men, to have inquired into the principles on which the Christians refused to • worship heathen deities, and by which they were enabled to support their sufferings with such • amazing constancy, than rashly to pronounce their behaviour the effect of obstinacy and habit.
Epictetus and Antoninus were too exact judges of human nature, not to know that ignominy, • tortures and death, are not merely on their own account objects of choice. Nor could the • records of any time or nation furnish them with an example of multitudes of persons of both • sexes, of all ages, ranks, and natural dispositions, in distant countries, and successive periods,
resigning whatever is most valuable and dear to the heart of man from a principle of obstinacy, or the mere force of habit; not to say that habit could have no influence on the first suf. « ferers.'
I shall just add, it was the opinion of Tanaquil Faber, that " by Galileans the Christians are here intended.
* Όταν δ' αναλαβη το παθος, το τε βεβαμμενα και ηρημεν8, χεια μετωνομασθησαν οι παλαι λεγομενοι Ναζαραιοι και Γαλι- . τοτε και εσι τω όντι, και καλειται Ιεδαιος. Ουτω και ημεις λαιοι, Χριςιανοι. Suid. V. Nαζηραιος. Vid. et V. Γαλιπαραβαπτισαι· λογω μεν Ιεδαιοι, εργω δ' αλλο τι. Ιb. λαια, ct Xριςιανοι.
• Instead of pruere, Mr. Upton and Petavius would read και Των Γαλιλαιων, δυο φυσεις ονομαζoντων εχειν τον Χριςον, περιηρημενα circumcised.' But it is a mere conjecture, πλατυν καταχεομεν γελωτα. κ. λ. Mani, ap. Fab. B. Gr. without the authority of any manuscript, or ancient printed Tom. v. p. 215. edition. See Upton's notes, p. 124.
h Εκοντες εαυτος δεδοασιν.] Μartyres nostros designat, CEITO UTO
μανιας μεν δυναται τις ετω διατεθηναι προς ταυτα quos Epictetus, vel Arrianus, aiebat id facere OTO Manias. UTO 985, us oi räaidalos. L. 4, c. 7, p. 400. Cantabr. p. UTTO €485. Quos enim ibi Galilæos vocat, nullus dubito, quin 021. Upton.
sint Christiani. Lib. 4, cap. vii. T. Fab. annot. ad. Lucian. de d Matt. xxi. 11. e Acts i. 11. ji. 7.
Morte Peregrini. T. 2, p. 567. Græv. 1 Ισεον δε, ότι επι Κλαυδια βασιλεως Ρωμης-έν ΑντιοVOL. IV.
3. Some may think I'might conclude here; but I must proceed. Epictetus's discourses, as was observed above, abound with quotations of Greek authors, and references to ancient history. Nevertheless, we observe not any mention made of Moses, or David, or Solomon, or any of the Jewish prophets, nor yet of Matthew, or Mark, or Luke, or John, or Paul, or Peter. The disciples of Jesus wrote in Greek, and the books of Moses, and the Jewish prophets had been before his time translated into the Greek language. I do not say he had read them; but he could not be altogether ignorant of them. Nor were any of them undeserving the regard of a moral philosopher. But they were Unitarians. Nor could they be alleged or taken notice of without hurting, if not overthrowing, the polytheistic scheme.
4. In the sixteenth chapter of the first book of his Discourses, Epictetus has such expressions as these. • What else can I, a lame old man, do, but sing hymns to God?
-Since I am a • reasonable creature, it is my duty to praise God And I exhort you to join in the same
song.' No Christian can read this passage without thinking of David's psalms, and perhaps some other parts of scripture. Justly therefore does Mrs. Carter observe, in a note upon that passage, Beautiful and affecting examples of such praise and exhortations may be seen in * Psalms xxxiv. civ. cxlvand other parts of the sacred writings.'
5. In the time of Epictetus, and his disciple Arrian, Christians were numerous and well known at Rome, and most parts of the Roman empire, as we are assured by what Tacitus, Pliny and Suetonius have written concerning them: not now to insist upon any Christian writers, however celebrated or however credible they may be.
Nor was Epictetus unattentive to things that passed in the world about him in his own time, as all must be sensible who read his discourses. Nevertheless, the Christians are not mentioned at all, or very seldom. It is hard to believe that this silence was not affected. Epictetus, I apprehend, was high-minded, and the Christians were contemptible. He had his share of the common philosophic pride. He did not think it worth the while to inquire into their principles : nor was it proper to mention them often in his discourses, lest the curiosity of his hearers should be excited, and they should be induced to make more particular inquiries after them.
6. However, let him have due praise for all the good he has said or done. Origen, that great Christian philosopher, whose mind was contracted by no narrow sentiments, who read all sorts of writings himself, and advised others to do the same who had leisure and abilities, assures us that Epictetus was more acceptable to people of lower rank than Plato, who was more polite.
7. The whole design of his philosophy is said to have been comprehended in this short and fine maxim, consisting only of two words : · Bear and forbear,' Aveze xai ATEX8. Which I have not observed among his Fragments, neither in Mr. Upton, nor in Mrs. Carter ; though it is particularly mentioned by Aulus Gellius, and ascribed by him to Epictetus himself.
· See Vol. i.
ferimus; aut, a quibus rebus voluptatibusque nos tenere deo Contr. Cels. 1. 6. sub in,
bemus, non tenemus. Itaque, inquit, si quis hæc duo verba © Præterea idem ille Epictetus, quod ex eodem Favorino cordi habeat, eaque sibi imperando, atque observando curet, audivimus, solitus dicere est, duo esse vitia multo omnium is erit pleraque impeccabilis, vitamque vivet tranquillissimam. gravissima ac teterrima, intolerantiam et incontinentiam; Verba duo hæc dicebat : Ayeya xai anteX8. A. Gell. I. 17, quum aut injurias, quæ sunt ferendæ, non toleramus, neque cap. 19.
CH A P. XI.
THE EMPEROR ADRIAN.
I. His time and character. II. His rescript in favour of the Christians to Minucius Fundanus,
proconsul of Asia. III. His letter to Servianus, concerning the Christians in Egypt. IV. Whether he erected, and intended to consecrate, temples to the honour of Jesus Christ.
1. Publius Ælius Adrianus, ^ or the emperor Adrian, was born at Rome on the twentyfourth day of January, in the year of Christ 76, and died on the tenth day of July, in the year 138, being then more than sixty-two years of age. He reigned twenty years and eleven months, from the death of Trajan, on the tenth or eleventh day of August in 117.
As I may not enlarge either on his character or history, it may be best for me to be quite silent. I shall only say that both have been written by ancient Roman and Greek authors with great freedom; and that he is reckoned one of those princes who had great virtues and great vices, He is also represented to have been very various and inconstant.
II. Adrian is not generally reckoned among the persecuting emperors, because he published no new edicts against them. But Trajan's edict was still in force. Many Christians therefore might suffer in his reign, as there certainly did. Jerom supposeth that the persecution · in his reign was for a while very violent, and that it was inoderated upon occasion of the apologies which Quadratus and Aristides presented to Adrian at Athens. These apologies we have dated' in the year of Christ 126. Sulpicius & Severus placeth the fourth persecution in his reign. But he allows that afterwards the same emperor restrained it, referring, as it seems, to the rescript, which shall be produced at length hereafter. Orosius does not number him among the persecuting emperors, and placeth the fourth persecution in the time of Marcus Antoninus.
We are informed by Eusebius, in his Ecclesiastical History, that Serenius Granianus, *consul, wrote to Adrian, that it seemed to him unjust that the Christians should be put to • death only to gratify the clamours of the people, without trial, and without any crime proved • against them: and that Adrian, in answer to that letter, wrote to Minucius Fundanus, pro• consul of Asia, ordering that no man should be put to death without a judicial process, and a legal trial.
It is manifest, from the conclusion of Justin Martyr's first Apology, which was presented to Antoninus the pious, and the senate of Rome, that * the rescript of Adrian was subjoined to it. And from Eusebius we know that it was in ' Latin. He translated it into Greek, and inserted it in his Ecclesiastical History; whence we have it, and whence it has been put at the end of Justin's Apology, in the same language, the Latin original being lost.
• Vide Dion. Cass. lib. 69. Spartian. in Adriano. Eutrop. r See Vol. i. p. 436, 437. 1.8, c. vi. vii. Victor. de Cæsar. c. xiv. Victor. Epit. c. xiv. 8 Quarta sub Adriano persecutio numeratur, quam tamen
b Vide Pagi ann. 138, 1), iii. Basnag. ann. 117. viji. Tille-, post exerceri probibuit; injustum esse pronuntians, ut quismont L'Emp. Adrien. art. i. and Crevier's History of the quam sine crimine reus constitueretur. S. Sever. H. S. I. 2, Roman Emperors, vol. vii. p. 213. Dictionnaire de Bayle,
h Oros. 1. 7, c. XV. Hadrien.
5 Ετι δ' αυτος [Ιεςινος] ίςορει δεξαμενον τον Αδριανον ταρα © Idem severus, lætus ; comis, gravis ; lascivus, cunctator; Σερεννιε Γρανιανε λαμπρότατα ηγεμενα γραμματα υπερ Χρισιtenax, liberalis; simulator, sævus, clemens, et semper in on- ανων, περιεχοντα, ως και δικαιον ειη επι μηδενι εγκληματι, βοαις nibus varius. Spartian. Adrian. c. 14.
δημ3 χαριζομενες, ακριτας κτεινεις αυτές, αντιγραψαι Μινυκιω --quas (leges) nullus Hadrianus, quamquam curiosita- Pardaww avgutatu Tys Arias, w posaTTorta ur deya xTEIVELY tum omnium explorator- impressit. Tertull. Ap.c. V. p. 7. ανευ εγκληματος και ευλογ8 κατηγοριας. Η. Ε. 1. 4, c. 8, p.
Quadratus, Apostolorum discipulus, et Atheniensis Pontifex ecclesiæ, nonne Adriano principi, Eleusinia sacra invi- * Υπεταξαμεν δε της επιςολης Αδριανε το αντιγραφον,. ίνα senti, librum pro nostra religione tradidit ? Et tantæ admira- και κατα τατο αληθευειν ημας γνωριζητε. Justin. Λp. p. 84. tioni omnibus fuit, ut persecutionem gravissimam illius excel- Bened. ens sedaret ingenium? Aristides Philosophus, vir eloquen- 1 Τατοις ο μεν δηλωθεις ανηρ αυτην παρατεθειται την Ρωtissimus, eidem principi apologeticum pro Christianis obtulit. μαϊκην αντιγραφην. Ημείς δ' επι το Ελληνικον κατα δυναμιν &c. Hieron. ep. 83. al. 84.
αυτην μετειληφαμεν, εχεσαν ώδε. Εuseb. 1. 4. c. 8, p. 123.
The reason why this rescript was sent to Minucius Fundanus is supposed to be that Serenius's letter to the emperor was not written till the time of his government was near expiring.
Beside Justin Martyr's early and express authority, this rescript is also mentioned by Melito in his Apology to Marcus Antoninus, whom he reminds that · his · grandfather Adrian had written • in their favour, as to others, so particularly to Fundanus, proconsul of Asia.'. This rescript is also referred to by Sulpicius Severus, as before observed : the genuineness of it therefore is in. dubitable,
It is very reasonably supposed that, beside the letter of Serenius Granianus, the apologies of Quadratus and Aristides, presented about the same time, contributed to procure this favourable rescript. As much is plainly hinted in Jerom’s Latin edition of Eusebius's Chronicle. I now proceed to translate it literally from the Greek of Eusebius.
« Adrianto Minucius Fundanus. I have received a letter written to me by the illustrious • Serenius Granianus, whom you have succeeded. It seems then to me that this is an affair · which ought not to be passed over without being examined into; if it were only to prevent-dis• turbance being given to people, and that room may not be left for informers to practise their
wicked arts. If therefore the people of the province will appear publicly, and in a legal way charge the Christians, that they may answer for themselves in court, let them take that course, • and not proceed by importunate demands and loud clamours only. For it is much the best
method, if any bring accusations, that you should take cognizance of them. If then any one • shall accuse and make out any thing contrary to the laws, do you determine according to the * nature of the crime: but, by Hercules, if the charge be only a calumny, do you take care to punish the author of it with the severity it deserves.'
By importunate demands and loud clamours,' or in other words by clamorous petitions,' learned men generally understand the popular cry of those times. The' Christians to the • lions' Nor was it an unusual thing, as Valesius observes in his note upon the place, for the people at Rome, or in the provinces, in the time of public shews, when they were got together in the theatre, by loud cries, and a tumultuous behaviour, to gain their will of the presidents, and even of the emperor himself. This method had been practised against the Christians. And it is likely that men were often brought before the presidents with general accusations, without distinct proofs. The emperor was apprehensive that evil minded men should sometimes hurry on to death men who were not Christians. Therefore he directs the proconsul that no man should be punished as Christians, without a fair and public trial before himself in court.
The emperor's orders are obscure. • If 8 any one accuse and make out any thing contrary • to the laws, do you determine,' or punish, according to the nature of the crime.' Some may be apt to think that the emperor now appointed that none should be punished for being Christians, unless some real crime were alleged and proved upon them. But that does not clearly appear to be the meaning. Nor can we reasonably suppose that Trajan's edict is here repealed; according to which, if a man was accused and proved to be a Christian, a president is required to punish him unless he recant. Nevertheless, this rescript must be allowed to have been beneficial to the Christians. Several ancient writers, as we have seen, say that afterwards the persecution, which before had been violent, was restrained and moderated.
The Christians were hereby taken out of the hands of the common people and tumultuous rabble, and brought before the governors of provinces to be examined in open court, and not to be condemned without evidence. This must have been a considerable advantage to men who were much disliked by the generality of their neighbours as the Christians were.
---εν οις ο μεν παππος σε Αδριανος πολλοις μεν και αλλοις, και Φουνδανω δε τω ανθυπατω ηγεμενα της Ασιας, γραown palveTab. Ap. Euseb. H. E. 1. 4, c. 26, p. 148. C.
αλλ' ουκ αξιωσεσιν, εδε μοναις βοαις. ' Si Tiberis ascendit ad mænia, si Nilus non ascendit in arva, si cælum stetit, si terra movit, si fames, si lues; statim, Christianos ad leonem. Tertull. Ap. c. 40.
• Quadratus discipulus Apostolorum, et Aristides Atheniensis noster Philosophus, libros pro Christianâ religione Adriano dedere compositos. Et Serenus Granianus, legatus, vir apprime nobilis, literas ad Imperatorem misit, iniquum esse dicens, clamoribus vulgi innocentium hominum sanguinem concedi, et, sine ullo crimine, nominis tantum et sectæ reos fieri. Quo commotus Hadrianus Minucio Fundano proconsuli Asiæ scribit, non sine objectu criminum Christianos condemnandos. Chr. p. 167.
« H. E. 1. 4, cap. 9. « Λαμπροτατε ανδρος.
Ει τις 8ν κατηγορεί, και δεικνυσι τι παρα τος νομες πραττοντας, έτως όριζε κατα την δυναμιν το αμαρτηματος.
h. Afterwards Adrian gave a rescripi to Minucius Fundanus, which is obscure. It does not manifestly exempt • Christians from punishment: and yet it seems in some
degree to favour them, and might be so interpreted by a . judge, who was disposed to put the mildest construction
upon it. The Christians often appealed to it.' Dr. Jortin's Discourses concerning the Christian religion, p. 59.
Melito, as before quoted, says that · Adrian wrote in favour of the Christians, as to divers others, so particularly to Fundanus, proconsul of Asia.' By which we are led to understand that this rescript was sent to other governors of provinces, as well as to Fundanus; or that this rescript, sent to him, was to be the rule of conduct, not to him only, but to other governors likewise.
From this rescript, and from the letter, which gave occasion to it, we learn that there were then Christians in Asia. It is probable they were there in great numbers; for the affair appeared worthy of the emperor's consideration. But Christianity, as is apparent, was odious to the generality of people in that country; therefore men must have had some good reasons for embracing a professsion which rendered them obnoxious to their neighbours.
From what we have seen of Quadratus and Aristides, two learned Christian apologists, and the emperor Adrian, and also Serenius and Fundanus, two governors of the province of Asia, it may be concluded with certainty that the Christians were now well known to the Roman emperors, and throughout the Roman Empire. Indeed the Christians diligently embraced all favourable opportunities to make themselves, and their own innocence, and the principles of their religion, and the grounds and reasons of their belief, well known to all men, and especially to the emperors and other magistrates. By that means they propagated their religion, and gradually wiped off the calumnies that had been invented against them, and with which they were loaded for a while. Quadratus and Aristides presented their apologies to Adrian, at the time of the celebration of the Eleusinian mysteries at ^ Athens, when there was a concourse of men of all ranks, especially of the highest, and of the most eminent, and most distinguished for their learning, and zeal for the established rites.
At that very time those apologists made a public appearance, and pleaded the cause of their religion, and of their brethren, the professors of it. Nor did they make a contemptible figure. Their discourses were rational, eloquent, and persuasive: and they were followed by a relaxation of the violence of the persecution, which for some while had raged in several provinces, through the prevailing animosity of the people : and, as it is particularly observed by Eusebius, in his Evangelical Preparation, • In the reign of Adrian the Christian religion shone out in • the eyes of all men.'
There are others beside our two apologists, who are entitled to applause in this place. Serenius Granianus is styled by Adrian, in his rescript, an illustrious man,' sapipotato audpos, and by Jerom, in his Chronicle, a truly noble person,' ! vir apprime nobilis.? We cannot but believe that he was a man of a generous mind, a lover of justice and equity, who pleaded the cause of the Christians, when the current ran violently against them. His successor Fundanus, to whom the rescript was sent, may have been a man of a like disposition. Nor can we forbear saying somewhat here to the honour of the emperor Adrian. *It does not appear that he ever issued out any orders for persecuting the Christians. The persecution, which they had suffered in the beginning of his reign, was owing to the blind bigotry and violence of the common people. When the proconsul of Asia sent him a letter, representing the hardships which Christians lay under, beyond most other men, he sent a favourable rescript, which could not but be, and actually was, of advantage to them : and he received the apologies of Quadratus and Aristides in behalf of a despised and persecuted people, without resentment. So far from being provoked at their importunity, he gratified their request, and moderated the displeasure of men against those whose cause they had pleaded. If moderation be a virtue, (as it certainly is), it is more especially commendable in men of power and high stations.
A passage, formerly omitted, shall be now transcribed from the Apology of Quadratus, which probably was the first written apology presented to a Roman emperor. It is in these very words : The works of our Saviour were always conspicuous, for they were real : both they
• Quadratus, Apostolorum discipulus-Quumque Hadria- Aristides, Atheniensis Philosophus eloquentissimus, et sub nus Athenis exegisset hiemem, invisens Eleusinem, et omni- pristino habitu discipulus Christi, volunien nostri dogmatis bus pene Græciæ sacris initiatus, dedisset occasionem his, qui rationem continens, eodem tempore, quo et Quadratus, HaChristianos oderant, absque præcepto Imperatoris vexare driano principi dedit. Ib. cap. XX.
And see before, p. 51. credentes, porrexit ei librum pro religione nostra composi- 6 – μεχρι των Αδριανα χρονων-Ούτος δε μαλισα ην χρονος, tum, valde atilem, plerumque rationis et fidei, et apostolicâ rall’ox nowtypias Els Tartas ar Apwrites rupeaos 818arxanız. Pr. doctrinâ dignum ; in quo et antiquitatem suæ ætatis osten- Ev. I. 4. c. 17. p. 164. D. dens, ait, plurimos a se visos, qui sub Domino variis in Judæa c See Vol. i. oppressi calamitatibus sanati fuerant, et qui a mortuis resur
d Euseb. H. E. 1. 4. cap. 3. rexerant. Hieron. de V.I. cap. xix.