it was any more than a popular charge against men who studied mathematics, and particularly astronomy? In this manner thought so grave a writer as Vitringa. a I may hereafter examine the charge against Marc. As Beausobre has considered this matter very particularly, so far as relates to the Basilidians, I shall represent his thoughts here as concisely as I can. b As for the charge of magic, it appears to be very doubtful. For, first, it is really attested by Irenæus only, his work being the source from which all others have borrowed. Secondly, Tertullian, his most ancient copyist, says nothing of it. Thirdly, Clement of Alexandria too is silent here, as also Origen, though he omits no opportunity to reprehend Basilides, Valentinus, and Marcion. Fourthly, the ancient fathers perpetually confound astronomy and astrology with magic. Mathematician and magician are with them the same things. All this is sufficient to render the magic of these men doubtful. Nevertheless I do not absolutely deny that the Basilidians had some superstitious practices among them, which are a natural consequence of supposing the stars to be animated, and that the spirits which reside in them, and conduct them, do govern also this lower world; with an exception however to the wills of men, which the philosophers never subjected to the power of the stars. I say, I do not positively deny that they had some such superstitions; and yet I would not be understood to affirm it. с These are superstitions which have indeed some resemblance to magic; but yet cannot be so termed without manifest injustice. When men make use of rites and ceremonies which are in themselves criminal, or when they propose to obtain the assistance of dæmons, this is magic. Magicians, says Clement of Alexandria, boast that they have dæmons to assist them, and that by some certain enchantments they can compel them to serve them. This is what makes a magician- -But the followers of Basilides did no less detest dæmons than other Christians did; and possibly made use of no other preservative against them than baptism, faith, and the name of Jesus. The Valentinians at least, with whom these had a great agreement, were of opinion that baptism in the name of Jesus was sufficient to deliver a Christian from subjection to the stars and dæmons, and to enable him to tread on scorpions and adders, that is, all malignant powers. More follows there to the like purpose, to which the reader is referred. And this last-mentioned observation may clear others, particularly Saturninus, who in Theodoret is the third after Simon, and taught, that whereas evil dæmons assist bad men, Christ came to succour good men against such dæmons. e Another thing often laid to the charge of heretics is lewdness, and all manner of wickedness, and likewise teaching it: so says Theodoret in the preface to his work of Heretical Fables. He seems to represent this as general among them, though perhaps not as universal. The lewdness both taught and practised by them, according to him, was such that even stage-players were too modest to describe it, or to hear it described; and he asserts that they had exceeded and gone beyond the greatest proficients in wickedness. But surely this must be exaggeration. It is improbable that these men should have exceeded all others in vice. Neither can it be to the honour of Christians, or their religion, to multiply sects and divisions among them, or to aggravate and magnify their faults. In all bodies of men, which are numerous, there will be some lewd and profligate persons; but that whole sects and parties should practise and teach wickedness is very unlikely, and ought to be well attested before it is believed. Eusebius says of the Carpocratians that they gave occasion to the Gentiles to reproach the Veteres enim omnes fere Pythagoricæ et Platonicæ Philosophiæ illustriores doctores de magiâ suspectos habuerunt; tum quod mystice fere omnia, et per numeros et formulas, quasi arcana quædam et secretior vis in iis recondita esset, tradiderint; tum quod vere illi apud suos auditores hanc suscitârint et foverint credulitatem, quasi secretius sibi cum diis commercium esset-Nec alio pertinet, quod Irenæus Menandrum, Marcum, aliosque Gnosticæ disciplinæ auctores, passim fœdi magiæ criminis insimulat. Vitring. Observ. Sacr. 1. v. cap. xii. n. ix. p. 160. C Hist. de Manich. T. 2. p. 46, 47. Μάγοι δε ηδη ασεβειας της σφων αυτων ύπηρετας δαιμονας αυχέσιν, οικετας αυτές ἑαυτοῖς καταγράψαντες, τις κατηναγ κασμενες δέλες ταις επαοιδαις πεποιηκοτες. Clem. A. Adm. ad. Gent. p. 39. C. Vid. Eclog. Theod. sect. 74. et seq. apud Clem. Alexan. Ed. Par. 1641. p. 800, 1. • Των δε πονηρων δαιμόνων τοις πονηροις συμπραττόντων, de, crowy, i owryp exaμuvai Tois ayatois. H. Fab. l. i. c. iii. f Την δε και νενομοθετημενην παρ' αυτών και πραττομενην λαγνείαν, εδε των εν σκηνῃ τις τεθραμμένων ανασχοιτο αν η φράσαι, η λεγοντων αλλων ακεσαι τοσέτον απολείπει και της επίσημες της ασέλγειας εργατας. Η. Fab. in Pr. Τ. 4. p. 188. 8 Τοις δε απίσοις εθνεσι πολλήν παρεχειν κατα το θείο λόγο δυσφημίας περισσίαν της εξ αυτών φήμης εἰς τήν τε παντός Χρισιανων εθνες διαβολην καταχεομένης. Ταύτη a gospel, and to form a disadvantageous opinion of all Christians, as if they had been generally such as they were; and that to them it was chiefly owing that Christians were charged with promiscuous lewdness, and other crimes in their assemblies. Irenæus has somewhat of this kind, but not so full and strong. He says that these men seem to have been formed by Satan on purpose that we might be slandered; but he does not positively say that other Christians had been reproached upon their account, or that for their sake the common stories about Christian assemblies had been credited. Here then are two things: first the wickedness of the ancient heretics, particularly the Carpocratians: Secondly, that their excesses were the occasion of the disrepute which other Christians, their assemblies especially, lay under. It is this second particular that I propose to consider at present: and shall hereafter, in the history of the several heretics who are accused of so much extravagance, have an article concerning their manners and moral principles; say nothing more relative to that point at this time, than may be needful for clearing the present question. d C f I. Then I observe, there is no small agreement between the charges brought against the first Christians in the beginning of the second century, and the charges against the heretics in later authors; which may create a suspicion that these last were formed upon the model of the former, and consequently are without ground. What the crimes were which were laid to the charge of the primitive Christians we know from divers writers, Greek and Latin. I shall put in the margin passages of Justin Martyr, Athenagoras, Theophilus of Antioch, Minucius Felix, and Tertullian, from whom it appears that, beside atheism, or impiety towards the established deities, they were charged with having their wives in common, with promiscuous lewdness in their assemblies, with incest, and eating human flesh, especially young children, whom they first killed, and then ate at their nocturnal meetings, where persons of each sex, and every age, were present. h II. These scandalous reflections were cast upon the Christians before the appearance of the Carpocratians, who were not known till the time of Adrian. Mr. Turner says these " calumnies seem to have begun with Christianity itself. There are proofs of their being very early. Tacitus, speaking of the Christians in the time of Nero, says they were generally hated for their wickedness; that is, they lay under a bad character with the people. And, as Mr. Turner observes, τον συνέβαινε την περι ήμων παρα τοις τότε απίσοις ύπονοιαν δυσσεβη και ατοπώτατην διαδιδόσθαι· ώς δη αθεμίτοις προς μητερας και αδελφας μίξεσιν, ανοσιαις τε τροφαίς χρωμενων. Eus. L. IV. cap. vii. p. 120. D. Qui et ipsi ad detractionem divini ecclesiæ nominis, quemadmodum et gentes, a Satanâ præmissi sunt, ubi secundum alium et alium modum, quæ sunt illorum audientes homines, et putantes omnes nos tales esse, avertant aures suas a præconio veritatis: aut et [f. ut] videntes quæ sunt illorum, omnes nos blasphement, in nullo eis communicantes, neque in doctrinâ, neque in moribus, neque in quotidianâ conversatione. Iræn. lib. i. cap. xxv. n. iii. al. c. xxiv. p. 100. Gr. Quæ nocturnis congregationibus, et jejuniis solennibus, et inhumanis cibis. Min. Fel. cap. viii. p. 72. Lug. 1672. Occultis se notis et insignibus noscunt, et amant mutuo pene antequam noverint: passim etiam inter eos quædam libidinum religio miscetur: ac se promiscue appellant fratres et sorores, ut etiam non insolens stuprum intercessione sacri nominis fiat incestum. Ib. c. ix. p. 81, 2. Lug. 1672. • Ει δε και τα δυσφημα εκείνα μυθολογεμενα εργα πρατο τεσι, λυχνίας μεν ανατροπην, και τας ανεδήν μίξεις, και ανθρω πειων σαρκων βορας, ο γινωσκομεν. J. M. Ap. i. p. 70. Β. C. -μη και ύμεις πεπίςευκατε περί ήμων, ότι δη εσθιομεν αν θρωπος, και μετα την ειλαπίνην αποσβεννύντες τις λυχνες αθεσμοις μίξεσιν εγκυλιόμεθα ; Dialog. Tr. p. 227. Β. d Τρια επιφημίζεσιν ήμιν εγκλήματα, αθεότητα, Θυεσεια δειπνα, Οιδιποδειες μίξεις. Athen. Leg. p. 4. c. Ed. Par. No. iv. p. 15, 16. Ox. 1706. Er dε, xai Tрopas nai μices 070ποιεσιν αθεῖς καθ' ἡμων, ἵνα τε μισειν νομίζοιεν μετα λόγs. Ib. p. 34. d. No. xxvii. p. 123. Öx. ε φασκόντων, ὡς κοινᾶς ἀπαντων εσας γυναίκας ήμων, και k διαφορῳ μίζει ξύνοντας, ετι μην και ταις ιδιαις αδελφαίς συμμιγε νυσθαι, και, το αθεώτατον και ωμότατον πάντων, σαρκων ανα θρωπινων εφαπτεσθαι ἡμας. Theoph. ad Aut. 1. iii. p. 119. Β. f Jam de initiandis tirunculis fabula tam detestanda, quam nota est. Infans farre contectus, ut decipiat incautos, apponitur ei qui sacris imbuatur. Is infans a tirunculo farris superficie, quasi ad innoxios ictus provocato, cæcis occultisque vulneribus occiditur. Hujus, proh nefas! sitienter sanguinem lambunt: hujus certatim membra dispertiunt-Et de convivio notum est. Passim omnes loquuntur-Ad epulas solenni die coëunt, cum omnibus liberis, sororibus, matribus, sexûs omnis homines, et omnis ætatis. Illic post multas epulas, ubi convivium caluit, et incestæ libidinis fervor ebrietate exarsit, canis, qui candelabro nexus est, jactu ossule-ad impetum et saltum provocatur. Sic everso et exstincto conscio lumine, impudentibus tenebris nexus infandæ cupiditatis involvunt per incertum sortis. Et si non omnes operâ, conscientiâ tamen pariter incesti; quoniam voto universorum appetitur, quidquid accidere potest in actu singulorum. Min. Fel. cap. ix. p. 86-go. 8 Dicimur sceleratissimi, de sacramento infanticidii, et pabulo inde, et post convivium incesto; quod eversores luminum canes, lenones scilicet, tenebras, tum et libidinum impiarum inverecundiam procurent. Tertul. Ap. cap. vii. in. p. 8—24. h The Calumnies upon the Primitive Christians accounted for, p. 2. London, 1727. i Quos, per flagitia invisos, vulgus Christianos appellabat- a b Melito of Sardis, an apologist for the Christian religion about the year 170, lays the foundation of these lying accusations in the reigns of Nero and Domitian. I shall transcribe largely at the bottom of the page a passage of Mr. Turner upon this subject. For certain these accusations were in being and prevailed before Justin became a Christian; for he assures us that in the time of his heathenism he thought it impossible that the Christians should suffer with such constancy and resolution as they did if they had been men-eaters, and had been addicted to lewdness. f d h III. Notwithstanding Eusebius mentions the Carpocratians as the heretics on whose account the primitive Christians were slandered, yet the ancient writers are not all agreed in this point. Epiphanius indeed joins with Eusebius in saying that the Carpocratians were principally the cause of this: but Cyril, the deacon, lays it on the Montanists; and Touttee on the Ophians or Ophites, and quotes Origen for it; who indeed says, in more places than one, that Celsus objected against the Christians holding several absurd and impious tenets, peculiar to the Ophians, called otherwise Cainites: but these, he adds were no Christians, for they hated Jesus no less than Celsus himself did; and admitted no one into their society unless he would abjure him. But I shall speak of this hereafter under the chapter assigned to them. k IV. Justin Martyr, in his second Apology, expressly says that he did not know whether those scandalous things, which were commonly laid to the charge of the true Christians, were done by the heretics or not. That apology was written, as some think, in the year 145, or about 140 at the soonest. The Valentinians, Carpocratians, and other heretics, were in being before that time; and Justin had written against all heretics in general; and yet he freely owns he did know them to be guilty of the crimes so much talked of at that time. V. The most ancient Christian apologists do generally ascribe the calumnies then cast upon the Christians to other causes, and not to the wickedness of any among them called heretics. Justin Martyr, as was formerly observed,' says that their accusers themselves scarcely believed the charges brought against them: and where these had in some measure been credited it arose from the wickedness of the heathens, which disposed them to believe such things of other people as they practised themselves. Tatian and Theophilus of Antioch speak of these calumnies without making heretics the occasion of them. Athenagoras plainly says that the τον καθ' ήμας εν διαβολῇ καταςήσαι λόγον ηθέλησαν Νερών και Δομετιανος αφ' ών και το της συκοφαντίας αλόγω συνηθεια περί τες τοιυτες ῥυηναι συμβέβηκε ψεύδος. Αρ. Euseb. 1. iv. c. xxvi. p. 148. B. b I can by no means allow that the lewdness of Carpocrates, Epiphanes, and their followers, gave the first occasion for accusing the Christians of promiscuous and incestuous lust. For it is generally agreed that Carpocrates began to be a heretic in Adrian's reign, about the same time that Justin became a convert to Christianity, A. D. 130. And therefore the imputation of lewdness and incest was prior to Carpocrates. For Justin, whose authority is undeniably good, acquaints us, that the Christians were accused of abominable uncleanness before he was a convert. Nay, he dates the three original calumnies of incest, infanticide, and atheism, from our Lord's ascension, or very soon after. If Carpocrates had given the first handle for aspersing Christians, how could Justin be ignorant of it, who lived at the same time? and especially, since he wrote a confutation of all heretics; and therefore must be presumed to be tolerably acquainted with their errors and immoralities. As before, p, 31, 32. See him again, p. 51, 52. - Και γαρ αυτός εγω τοις Πλατωνος χαιρων διδαγμασι, διαβαλλομένες ακεων Χρισιανες, όρων δε αφόβεις προς θάνατον και παντα τα αλλα νομιζόμενα φοβερα, ενενουν, αδύνατον είναι εν κακια και φιληδονια υπαρχειν αυτές τις γαρ φιλήδονος, η ακρατης, και ανθρωπίνων σαρκων βοραν αγαθον ἡγεμενος, δύναιτο αν θανατον ασπαζεσθαι; Ap. ii. p. 50. Α. Β. d Vid. supra. not. ' p. 25. • Εισι δε εκ το Σατανα παρασκευασμενοι και προβεβλημενοι εις ονειδος και σκανδαλον της τε Θε8 εκκλησίας επέθεντο γαρ ἑαυτοις επίκλην Χρισιανοι προς το σκανδαλίζεσθαι την της άγιας το Θε8 εκκλησίας ωφελείαν. κ. τ. λ. Epi. Hær. xxvii. n. iii. p. 104. B. C. n Ο Ρ * Διο μέχρις πρωην εν τω διωγμῳ, τοτο ποιεῖν ὑποπτευόμεθα. δια το κακεινες τες Μοντάνες, ψεύδως μεν, όμωνυμως δὲ καὶ λεισθαι Χρισιανες. Cat. xvi. n. viii. p. 247. 8 Id dedecus contra Ophitas suggessit Origenes. Toutee, Σ. * Δοκεί δε μοι ὁ Κελσος εγνωκέναι τινας αίξέσεις μηδε τα ονόματος το Ιησε κοινωνος ημιν. ταχα γαρ περιέχει το περι των καλεμένων Οφίανων και των Καιάνων, και ει τις αλλη τοιαυτη εξ όλων αποφοιτήσασα τα Ιησού συνεση γνωμη, πλην εδεν τετο προς το εγκλητον είναι τον Χρισιανων λόγον. Contra Celsum. 1. iii. p. 119 .l. xx. Ed. Spenceri. Δοκειν δε из και εκ τε των εκπαρακεσματων ασημοτατης αίρεσεως Οφιανων οίμαι εκτέθεισθαι τα τε διαγραμματος απο μερους. κ. τ. λ. Ib. l. vi. p. 291. 1. xlv. Τι εν είη αν ηλιθιωτερον η μανικωτερον, 8 μένον των από το οφεως — αλλα και Κελσε νομίσαντες κατα Χριστ τιανων ειναι κατηγοριας τας κατα των Οφιανων. Ibid. 1. vi. p. 294. 1 Και Οφιανός δια τετο καλέμενοι τοσετον αποδεεσι το είναι Χρισιανοί, ώσε εκ ελαττον Κελσε κατηγορείν αυτός το Ιησε, και μη πρότερον προσίεσθαι τινα επι το συνέδριον ἑαυτων, εαν μη αρας θηται κατα το Ιησε. Ibid. l. vi. p. 294. * Vid. supra, not. c p. 515. 1 Vid. ibid. m Ap. ii. p. 70. Β. C. 71. A. Vid. Credibility, Vol. i. p. 452, notes b,c. a e general wickedness of the heathen people was the ground of their charging such base practices upon the Christians, who were exemplarily virtuous: and exactly in the same manner speaks the pretended Sibyl. Irenæus likewise, in a place before cited, hints at this cause, as does also Minutius Felix, and Tertullian. Sometimes Justin Martyr says that the Jews had raised and spread these vile reports concerning the first Christians: and Tertullian speaks to the like purpose. Origen, in a still stronger manner, brings home this charge to the Jews. Heraldus & long ago observed that the ancient apologists, who confuted these calumnies, did not charge the heretics with the like crimes. h i f VI. It appears from Tertullian ' that, in his time, it was not known that any among Chris. tians were guilty of such crimes as were imputed to them by their adversaries. The only ground of these charges, according to him, was common fame, and uncertain report, k without any proof. Whereas if such things had been done by any assuming the name of Christians, and known to have been done by them, his plea would have been that, though indeed there were instances of such abominable practices among heretics, yet there was no instance of any thing of the kind among genuine Christians. Since, therefore, he absolutely denies the charge without any such distinction, it is plain he knew of no heretics who were guilty of such abominations. Theophi lus of Antioch likewise says that these reproaches had no other support than common fame. Nor was it known to the martyrs of Jesus" that the heretics, or any men whatever, were guilty of the vices then laid to the charge of the Christians. 1 VII. Another argument against the truth of these accounts is that they are incredible. Trypho the Jew being asked by Justin whether he believed the common reports concerning e Αλλα ανδρας εκλεκτος απο Ιερεσαλημ εκλεξαμενοι τοτε, εξεπέμψατε εἰς πασαν την γην, λέγοντες αίρεσιν άθεον Χρισιανων πεφηνεναι, καταλεγοντες ταυτα άπερ καθ' ἡμων οἱ αγνόντες ήμας παντες λεγεσιν. Dial. cum. Try. p. 234. Ε. -Κατείποντες δεδιδαχεναι και ταύτα άπερ κατα των όμολο γεντων Χρισον-παντι γένει ανθρωπων αθεα, και ανομα, και ανοσια λέγετε. Ib. p. 335. C. D. Et credidit vulgus Judæo. Quod enim aliud genus seminarium est infamiæ nostræ? Ad. Nat. L. i. p. 59. D. 8 Και δοκεί μοι παραπλησιον Ιεδαίοις πεποιηκεναι, τοις κατα την αρχήν το Χρισιανισμο διδασκαλίας κατασκεδασασι δυσφη μιαν το λόγο, ώς αρα καταθύσαντες παιδον μεταλαμβανεσι αυτε των σαρκων. και παλιν, ὅτι οἱ απο το λόγο, τα τ8 σκοτοπρατο τειν βελόμενοι, σβεννύασι μεν το φως, έκαςος δε τη παρατυχέση μίγνυται. Con. Celsum. 1. vi. c. xxvii. p. 651. Bened. p. 293. Spen. » Calumnia ista (de initiandis tirunculis) omnibus Chris ת tianorum apologiis confutata. Nec inventus quisquam est, qui ejus immanitatis sectam ullam hæreticorum vel lenissima suspicione asperserit; ut existimem quæ de Gnosticis et Quintilianis Epiphanius et alii nonnulli postea tradiderunt, ea omnia falsa esse, et in odium sectarum illarum ab hominibus perverse religiosis conficta. Num enim id tacuissent Apologeticórum scriptores? Num tantâ confidentiâ horrendam illam calumniam, tamquam commentum vere diabolicum, confutassent? -Quæ igitur posterioribus seculis de hæreticis tradita sunt ejusmodi, ea non dubitamus falsa esse. Heraldus ad Minutium, c. ix. p. 86. Lugd. Bat. 1672. i Dicimur sceleratissimi de saoramento infanticidii, et pabulo inde, et post convivium incesto; quod eversores luminum canes, lenones scilicet, tenebras, tum et libidinum impiarum inverecundiam procurent. Dicimur tamen semper, nec vos quod tamdiu dicimur, eruere curatis. Apol. c. vii. p. 8. Bene autem quod omnia tempus revelat, testibus etiam vestris proverbiis atque sententiis, ex dispositione naturæ, quæ ita ordinavit ut nihil diu lateat, etiam quod fama non distulit. Merito igitur fama tam diu sola conscia est scelerum Christianorum. Hanc indicem adversus nos profertis, quæ, quod aliquando jactavit, tantoque spatio in opinionem corroboravit, usque adhuc probare non valuit. Ibid. p. 9. Initio. *Ideo et credunt de nobis quæ non probantur, et nolunt inquiri, ne probentur non esse. Ibid. c. ii. p. 4. Β. Quid aliud negotium patitur Christianus, nisi suæ secta? quam incestam, quam crudelem, tanto tempore nemo probavit. Ad Scap. c. iv. p. 87. Fin. Και φήμη πείθεσθαι-ςομάτων αθεων ψευδως συκοφαν- . τοντων ἡμας—φασκόντων ὡς κοινας άπαντων ουσας τας γυναι και ήμων, και διαφορῳ μίξει ξύνοντας, ετι μην και ταις ιδίαις αδελφαίς συμμιγνυσθαι, και, το αθεωτατον και ωμότατον παντων, σαρκων ανθρωπινων εφαπτεσθαι ἡμας. Ad. Aut. 1. iii. 119. B. p. 382. Bened. m Ρ. - Κατεψεύσαντο ήμων Θυέσεια δειπνα και Οιδιπόδειας μίξεις, και όσα μητε λαλειν μητε νοειν θεμις ήμιν, αλλα μηδε πιςεύειν είτι τοι το πώποτε παρα ανθρωποις εγενετο. Euse. Eccl. His. lib. v. cap. 1. p. 156. D. » Τετο δε εςιν ὁ λεγω, μὴ καὶ ὑμεις πεπιςεύκατε περι ήμων ότι δη εσθιομεν ανθρωπες, και μετα την ειλαπίνην αποσβέννυντες τις λυχνες, αθεσμοις μίξεσιν εγκυλιομενα-Περι δε ὧν οἱ πολ λοι λέγεσιν, (εφη ὁ Τρύφων) ο πιςευσαι αξιον πορρω γαρ κεχώρηκε της ανθρωπίνης φύσεως. Dial. cum Try. p. 227. Β. b the Christians, readily answers, they were incredible; for human nature was not capable of such things. This is also largely shewn by Minutius Felix and Tertullian, who sometimes appeal to the heathen people, whether they were able to do the like things as they charged upon the Christians, with the same circumstances attending them: and at other times ridicule the credulity of those who believed them of others, when they themselves were unable to do the like. In this last argument Tertullian appears to triumph beyond control. With a peculiar energy of expression he challenges any one of the heathen to come into Christian assemblies and try whe ther he could perform such an action himself, or even bear to be present while it was perpetrated by others. He enters minutely into the particular parts of the heinous charge; and proves, by a direct appeal to the human heart, that no creature, constituted as we are, can possibly be guilty of such abominations. On the subject of infanticide he shews the utter incredibility of a charge, directly inconsistent with some of the distinguishing tenets of the Christians of those days, who would not at their entertainments make use of blood mixed with any eatables; and who abstained from things strangled, and that died of themselves, lest they should be defiled. The same argument will serve for the heretics, for they are charged by later writers with the same things which were before imputed to the primitive Christians. с d с If then they are incredible with regard to the one, they are so likewise with regard to the other. Besides, there are some things related of the Gnostics by Epiphanius and Theodoret,^ which in all probability were never practised by any individuals, not even the most vicious and abandoned; much less were they the rites or sacraments of any religious sect. When all this is considered, I cannot help thinking that there is too much justice in Mons. Bayle's satire: a Illum jam velim convenire, qui initiari nos dicit, aut credit de cæde infantis et sanguine. Putas posse fieri, ut tam molle, tam parvulum corpus fata vulnerum capiat? ut quisquam illum rudem sanguinem novelli, et vix dum hominis, cædat, fundat, exhauriat? Nemo hoc potest credere, nisi qui possit audere. Minut. Fel. cap. xxx. p. 288-9. bO quanta illius præsidis gloria, si eruisset aliquem, qui centum jam infantes comedisset! Ap. c. ii. p. 2. D. Ut fidem naturæ ipsius appellem adversus eos, qui talia credenda esse præsumunt: Ecce proponimus horum facinorum mer, cedem, vitam æternam. Repromittunt. Credite interim. De hoc enim quæro, an et qui credideris, tanti habeas ad eam tali conscientia pervenire? Veni; demerge ferrum in infantem, nullius inimicum, nullius reum, omnium filium. Vel, si alterius officium est, tu modo assiste morienti homini excipe rudem sanguinem: eo panem tuum satia; vescere libenter. Interea discumbens dinumera loca, ubi mater, ubi soror. Nota diligenter, ut, cum tenebræ ceciderint caninæ, non erres -Talia initiatus et consignatus, vives in ævum. Cupio, respondeas, sit tanti æternitas? Aut si non, ideo non credenda. Etiam si credideris, nego te velle. Etiam si volueris, nego te posse. Cur ergo alii, si vos non potestis. Cur non possitis, si alii possunt? Aliâ nos, opinor, naturâ, Cynophanes aut Sciapodes; alii ordines dentium; alii ad incestam libidinem nervi? Qui ista credis de homine, potes et facere. Homo es et ipse, quod Christianus. Qui non potes facere, non debes credere. Homo est enim et Christianus, et quod et tu. Ib. cap. viii. c Erubescat error vester Christianis, qui ne animalium quidem sanguinem in epulis esculentis habemus, qui propterea quoque suffocatis et morticinis abstinemus, ne quo modo sanguine contaminemur, vel intra viscera sepulto-Porro quale est, ut quos sanguinem pecoris horrere confiditis, humano inhiare credatis. Ib. c. ix. mortar, and lest this odd sort of food should be nauseous to a squeamish stomach, they mixed it with honey and pepper, and other spices: when this was done they all tasted of it: and this they called a perfect passover. Upon this monstrous and incredible story I observe,' &c. &c. Calumnies upon the Primitive Christians, p. 54, 55. The like things were also said of the Montanists, as we shall see hereafter. e Vid. supra, p. 515. note f. The English part of that quotation I shall give in the words of Mr. Turner. They,' the primitive Christians, were charged with infanticide, or murdering infants, and with eating them. A very young 'sucking infant was brought covered over with paste, lest any one should be shocked at the intended barbarity. Then the child was pricked all over with pins or bodkins, and as soon as it was dead, they cut the body in pieces and ate it. This was said to be the Christian method of initiation.' Calumnies, p. 10. 4 Τετες (της Καρποκρατίανες) φασι, και τινας αλλος ζηλωτας των όμοιων κακων, εις τα δείπνα αθροιζόμενες· γαρ αγαπήν είποιμι αν εγωγε την συνελυσιν αυτων ανδρας όμε και γυναίκας, μετα δη το κορεσθήναι, εν πλησμονη τη κυπρίση, φασι -EXποδών ποιησαμένες φως τη τε λυχνά περιτροπῇ, μιγνυσθαι όπως EDEλOIEY ais BeλowTo. Clem. Alexan. Strom. I. iii. p. 430. C. D. Αυτην γαρ την σύναξιν αυτών εν αισχροτητι πολυμί ias qug8o1 ECDIOTES TE xai waganтoperos nas artw σαρκον και ακαθαρσίων, ώς ετε τολμήσω το παν εξείπειν. κ.τ.λ. Epiphan. Hær. xxvi. No. iii. p. 84. D. 8 Και ὁ μεν ανήρ της γυναικος υποχωρησας, φασκει λεγων τῇ ἑαυτ8 γυναικι, ότι αναςα, λεγων, ποίησον την αγαπην μετα το αδελφε. οἱ δε ταλανες μιγεντες αλλήλοις, και ως επαλη θειας αισχύνομαι ειπειν τα πας τοις αυτοίς αισχρα πραττομενα. Ep. Hæ. xxvi. No. iv. p. 86. A. B. see also No. viii. ix. x. &c. where a multitude of incredible things are related of them to the last degree shocking and absurd. * Οἱ γαρ τρισάθλιοι την σαρκικην και την συνοικίαςικήν κοινωνίαν ἱεροφαντεσι, και ταυτην οιονται εις την βασιλειαν αυτές αναγειν το Χρισε είεν δε αν εν ταις μείζοσιν παρ' αυτοις ελπίσιν αἱ προεσωσαι το τεγες πορναι ανεύειν εκδεχο μεναί τις βελομενες άπαντας—τοιαυτα δε οί- ψεδωνύμως Γνωσικές σφας αυτές αναγορεύοντες δογματίζεσιν. Hær. F. lib. i. No. vi. Tom. iv. p. 197. D. |