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" that were healed, and they that were raised from the dead, who were seen not only when

they were healed, or raised, but for a long time afterwards ; not only whilst he dwelled on · this earth, but also after his departure, and for a good while after it: insomuch that some of • them have reached to our times.' Jerom supposeth that ^ Quadratus himself saw several of those persons who had been the subjects of our Saviour's miracles.

III. Beside the rescript, there is a letter of Adrian to Servianus, husband of Paulina, the emperor's sister, who was consul in 134. It is preserved in Vopiscus, one of the writers of the Augustan history, who o flourished about the year 300. Adrian had been some while in Egypt. Having left it, when he got into Syria he wrote that letter to his brother-in-law, in the year 134. I shall transcribe it from the historian, with the connection.

· The Egyptians, as you well know,' says Vopiscus, are vain, fond of innnovations, men of all characters—For there are among them Christians and Samaritans, and such as take a

prodigious liberty in censuring the present times. That none of the Egyptians may be of• fended with me, I shall produce a letter of Adrian, taken from the books of Phlegon, his

freed-man, in which the character of the Egyptians is clearly represented. " Adrian Au· gustus to the consul Servianus wisheth health. I have found Egypt, my dear Servianus,

which you commended to me, all over fickle and inconstant, and continually shaken by the

slightest reports of fame. The worshippers of Serapis are Christians, and they are de· voted to Serapis, who call themselves Christ's bishops. There is no ruler of the Jewish sy

nagogue, no Samaritan, no presbyter of the Christians, no mathematician, no soothsayer, no • anointer : even the patriarch, if he should come to Egypt, would be required by some to ' worship Serapis, by others Christ. A seditious and turbulent sort of men. However, the

city is rich and populous. Nor are any idle. Some are employed in making glass, others

paper, others in weaving linen—They have one God-Him the Christians, Him the Jews, • Him all the Gentile people, worship.'

It cannot be needful for me to explain all the several sorts of people here spoken of. Nor ought it to be thought strange that Christians share in the emperor's satire, and are represented by him as fickle and inconstant, like the other Egyptians. It appears from this letter that the Christians were numerous at Alexandria, and in other parts of Egypt, when Adrian was in that country: which, certainly, is very remarkable, that in a century after the resurrection of Jesus he should have so many followers in Asia and Egypt, as is manifest from this one emperor's authentic writings. Without any countenance from the civil government, and under a great deal of opposition from it, as well as from most other ranks of men, and especially from the lower sort of people, Christ's bishops were already become as considerable as the priests of Serapis.

IV. Once more. Ælius Lampridius, another writer of the Augustan history, who flourished about the end of the third, and the beginning of the fourth, century, in the life of the emperor Alexander Severus, says : • Het intended to build a temple to Christ, and to receive him

among the gods. Which Adrian also is reported to have designed; who ordered temples to be « erected in all cities without statues ; which therefore to this day are called Adrian's, it being

said that he built them for that purpose. But he was hindered by some, who, having con« sulted the oracles, were assured that, if that were once done, all men would be Christians, and • the other temples would be deserted.' a See before, p. 53, note a

Ægyptum venerit, ab aliis Serapidem adorare, ab aliis b Vid. Vos. Hist. Lat. L. 2. cap. 7. Fabric. Bib. Lat. 1. 3. cogitur Christum. Genus hominum seditiosissimum, vacap. 6. 'Tilleazont L'Empereur Aurelien. art. xv.

nissimum, imperiosissimum. Civitas opulenta, dives, fe¿ Sunt enim Egyptii (ul satis nôsti,) viri ventosi, furi- . cunda, in quâ nemo vivat otiosus. Alii vitrum conflant, ab bundi, jactantes, injuriosi - novatores rerum - versifica- ' aliis charta conficitur, alii linyphiones sunt: omnes certe tores, matbematici, aruspices, medici. Nam et Christiani, cujuscumque artis et videntur et habentur. Podagrosi, quod Samaritani, et quibus präsentia tempora cum enormi liber- agant, habent : habent cæci, quod agant: ne chiragrici tate displiceant. Ac nequis mihi Ægyptiorum irascatur, et quidem apud eos otiosi vivunt. Vnus illis Deus est. Hunc meum esse credat, quod in literis retuli, Adriani epistolam Christiani, hunc Judæi, hunc omnes venerantur et Gentes.' ex libris Phlegontis liberti ejus proditam, ex quâ penitus &c. Flav. Vopiscus in Saturnino. cap. 7. et 8. Ægyptiorum vita detegitur, indidi. • Adrianus Aug. Ser- d Christo templum facere voluit, eumque inter Deos reci

viano Coss. S. Ægyptum, quam mihi laudabas, Serviane pere. Quod et Adrianus cogitâsse fertur, qui templa in om• carissime, totam didici levem, pendulam, et ad omnia nibus civitatibus sine simulacris jusserat fieri ; quæ hodie • famæ momenta volitantem. Illi qui Serapio colunt, Cbris- idcirco, quia non habent numina, dicuntur Adriani, quæ ille • tiani sunt: et devoti sunt Serapi, qui se Christi episcopos ad hoc parâsse dicebatur. Sed prohibitus est ab iis, qui, con• dicunt. Nemo illic Arcbisynagogus Judæorum, nemo Sa- sulentes sacra, repererant, omnes Christianos futuros, si id op' marites, nemo Christianorum Presbyter, non Mathemati- tato evenisset, et templa reliqua deserenda. Æl. Lamp. in

cus, non Aruspex, non Aliptes. Ipse ille Patriarcha, quum Alex, Sever. cap. 43.

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This account is received by some · as true; by others it is rejected, as destitute of any good foundation. I have referred below to several learned and judicious men on this side the question; and I would willingly find room at the bottom of the page for Casaubon's observations upon this section of Lampridius; and the rather, because they have been judged so material by Pagi

, as to be transcribed by him into his Critique upon Baronius. · Casaubon then, and divers other learned * men after him, or agreeably to 'him, observe that somewhat of this kind has been related of • Tiberius by Tertullian, and other ancient Latin and Greek writers of the church, who are quite * silent about this story of Lampridius. If there had been any truth in it, they say, so remark• able a thing could not have been omitted by Justin Martyr, Athenagoras, Tertullian, Cyprian, • and all other ancient writers of the second and third centuries, who had many occasions to * mention it, if there had been any ground for it. Nor is this mistaken opinion of Lampridius, • and some others in his time, very hard to be accounted for. Adrian had erected, or ordered * to be erected, temples in many places. He intended to have set up in them an altar, or statue, * to himself: but he died before they were consecrated, and some of them were left unfinished. • It was well known that the Jews and Christians had no images in their places of worship; Lam

pridius therefore, and some others in his time, entertained a notion that these temples were « built in honour of Christ.'

That Adrian intended them in honour of himself, is confirmed by what Spartian says in his life of this emperor: · That, when he had returned from Africa to Rome, he soon went away again • into the East. Coming to Athens he dedicated the buildings that had been begun by him, par* ticularly the temple of Jupiter Olympius, and an altar to himself. In like manner, travelling through Asia, he consecrated temples of his own name.'

That seems to be the most probable account. But though it cannot be reasonably supposed that Adrian intended those temples to the honour of Jesus Christ, some may imagine that, according to the doctrine of Numa and Pythagoras, Adrian might design to erect temples where the gods might be worshipped without images.

Crevier's judgment upon the point is to this purpose: · He paid but little attention to the • religion of those nations, whom the Romans and Greeks considered as barbarians, they appear

ing to him as only deserving of contempt. This makes it difficult for me to believe, upon Lampridius's testimony, that he formed a design to consecrate, in honour of Jesus Christ, a great

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1

• Huet. Dem. Evang. Prop. 3. sect. xxii. Tillem. Persecu- εκαλBν. Ατελες, δε τοτο το Αδριανειον διαμενον οι πολιται εις tion d' Adrien. art. vi.

δημοσιον λετρον επειρωντο επισκευασαι. Talia odifcia in plerisque 6 Casaub. Annot. in Lamprid. cap. 43. Pagi Crit. in Baron. civitatibus adhuc Lampridii ætate exstabant, inchoata solum, ann. 134. n. iy. Basnag. ann. 126. n. v. vi. Dictionnaire de non perfecta, non dedicatà; ac proinde, ut ait ipse, sine numine Bayle. Hadrien. Cleric. H. E. ann. 129. n. iii. Moshem. De et simulacro ullo. Eo factum, ut in animum inducerent multi, Reb. Christian. Sec. 2. sect. xii. p. 237.

quibus assentitur hic Lampridius, non sibi Hadrianum illa c.Quod et Hadrianus cogitâsse fertur. De Tiberio nar- templa exstruxisse, verum Christo. Erat quidem Lampridius, rant hoc Tertullianus et alii patres Græci et Latini. De Hadri- 'Erary religione, et a pietatis Christianæ sacris, ut ejus scripta ano vero nemo illorum, si satis memini, simile quidquam. Et ostendunt, alienus : sed nôrat ille, quod ignorare poterat nemo, mirum profecto, tam nobilem historiam, tot fidei Christianæ et Judæos olim in Hierosolymitaná æde sides xai ayaa uatus propugnatores acerrimos, viros undecumque doctissimos, et xwpis, ut Strabo quoque ac Dio scribunt, Deum coluisse; et quorum intererat hoc scire, potuisse fugere. Sed videtur hæc suis etiam temporibus Christianorum templa ejusmodi esse, de Hadriano suspicio multo post ejus seculum hominum men- qualia adhuc memoriâ suâ beatissimus Augustinus cum alibi les insedisse; cum neque Justinus Martyr, neque Athenago- prodit fuisse, tum etiam in Psalmi ciii. enarratione, sane lucuras, neque Tertullianus, neque Cyprianus, aut omnino quis- jenter. Casaubon, annot. in Lamprid. cap. 43. Et Conf. Pagi quam ex illâ veterum patrum manu, vel tenuissimam ejus rei

ann. 134. iii. iv.
suspicionem fando unquam accepissent. Unde autem vulgo 4 Denique quum post Africa Romam redisset, statim ad
multi seculo Lampridii hanc de Hadriano concepissent opinio. orientem profectus per Athenas iter fecit, atque opera, quæ
nem, declarat auctor, cum subjicit : qui templa in omnibus apud Athenienses cæperat, dedicavit; ut Jovis Olympii ædem
* civitatibus sine simulacris jusserat fieri ; quæ hodie idcirco, et arcem sibi: eodemque modo per Asiam iter faciens, templa

quia non habent numina, dicuntur Hadriani, quæ ille ad sui nominis consecravit. Spartian. in Hadrian. cap. 13.
* hoc parâsse dicebatur.' En fontem et originem hujus opi- e Extructa tamen ea Christo templa, quæ simulacrorum
nionis. Jusserat Hadrianus templa fieri in omnibus civitati- vacua erant, nostrum in animum inducere non sustinemus.
bus, suo nomini sine dubio consecranda ; quod et Spartianus Aliæ igitur nobis sunt tentandæ causæ. Legitur in Victore;
in vitâ suâ testatur. Sed, mortuo Hadriano prius quam hæc Adrianus, pace ad Orientem compositâ, Roman regreditur.
templa absolverentur, mansere pleraque illorum imperfecta, • Ibi Græcorum more, seu Pompilii Numæ, cæremonias,
neque unquam dedicata sunt. Exemplo esse potest illud quod ·leges, gymnasia, doctoresque curare occæpit.' Est ergo
Tiberiade magnifice inchoatum, mox relictum est necdum vero proximum, more atque instituto et Pythagoræ, et Pom-
absolutum, tandemque in usum balnearum a civibus destina- pilii Numæ, Adrianum, philosophiæ perituin, templa quoque
tum. Epiphanius contra Ebionæos. H.30. n. xii. roos pEY1505

sine simulacris strui voluisse. Basnag. ann. 126. n. vi. εν τη πόλει Τιβερια δι προϋπηρχε ταχα, οιμαι, Αδριανειον τετο í History of the Rom. Emp. Vol. 7. p. 167.

• many temples, which he had begun, but not finished, in the several cities of Asia and Egypt, • and which remained without a dedication or statue. It is much more probable that he intended • them for himself, and for his own proper worship.'

Indeed I think the opinion, that Adrian intended to consecrate temples to the honour of Jesus Christ, is without any good foundation; it being inconsistent with his a known principles, and unsupported by the testimony of those antient Christian writers, who must have known it, and would have mentioned it, if it had been true.

However, though there is no good ground for this story of Lampridius, it is honourable to the Christian religion, which was a spreading doctrine. And it was apprehended by those, who were far from wishing it success, that if a little encouragement were given to it, it would soon be the prevailing religion.

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Eusebius, in his Ecclesiastical History, speaking of the persecution under Domitian, says : • Moreover, at this time the doctrine of our faith was so conspicuous, that writers averse to our • sentiments have not forborne to insert in their histories an account of this persecution, and the martyrdoms that happened in it. They have likewise exactly marked the time of it, relating that, in the fifteenth year of Domitian, Flavia Domitilla, niece by the sister's side to Flavius · Clemens, then one of the consuls of Rome, with a great many others, was banished to the island • Pontia, for the profession of the Christian religion.

In his Chronicle, at the fifteenth year of Domitian, Eusebius says: · And · Bruttius writes * that many Christians suffered martyrdom under Domitian. Among whom was Flavia Domitilla, • niece by the sister's side to Flavius Clemens the consul, who was banished to the island Pontia, • because she confessed herself to be a Christian.'

I need not transcribe any thing from · Nicephorus. But in the Paschal Chronicle, at the year. of Christ 94, are these words: · Brutus ' relates that many Christians suffered martyrdom in the • fourteenth year of Domitian.'

There were several eminent men of this name in the second century. There is a % letter of the younger Pliny to Præsens, whom some think to have been also called Brutius, or Bruttius. We meet with Bruttius Præsens, who was consul with Antoninus the pious, in the year 139; C. Bruttius Præsens, who was consul with Asturius Rufinus in the year 153; and L. Fulvius Bruttius Præsens, consul the second time in the year 180, with Sex. Quintillius Condia

p. 89. A.

-και κατ' εμε ηδη, βασιλεως Αδριανε, την τε ες το θειον ισορησαντες, εξ αδελφης γεγονοιαν Φλαβια Κλημεντος, ένας των Tip.ns EwITT2E1509 &NbOytos. Pausan. 1. i. cap. v. p. 14. τηνικαδε επι Ρωμης υπατων, της εις Χριςον μαρτυριας ένεκεν,

b' Casaubon sans doute n'a point de tort de rejetter cela εις νησον Ποντιαν κατα τιμωριαν δεδoσθαι. Η. Ε. 1. 3, c. 18,
comme fabuleux. Ce que je trouve de vraisemblable, est cette
crainte des Paiens, que leur Religion ne fût désertée, si l'on d Et scribit Brutius plurimos Christianorum sub Domitiano
eût toléré publiquement le Christianisme. Bayle, Dictionnaire. fecisse martyrium: inter quos Flaviam Domitillam, Flavii
Hadrian. note Q.

Cleinentis Consulis ex sorore neptem, in insulam Pontiam re-
Εις τοσετον δε αρα κατα της δηλεμενες η της ημετερας legatarm, quia se Christianam testata est. Chron. p. 164.
τιςεως διδασκαλια διελαμπεν, ως και τις αποθεν τε καθ' ήμας . Vid. Niceph. 1. 3, c. 9.
λόγο συγγραφεις μη αποκνησαι ταις αυτων ισοριαις τον τε 1 Ισορει ο Βρουτος, πολλές Χριστιανες κατα το ιδ' ετος Δομε-
διευγμον, και τα εν αυτα μαρτυρια παραδεναι. Oιγε και τον Trave MEU AFTUprxsyal. Chron. Pasch. p. 250.
καιρον επ' ακριβες επησημηναντο εν ετει πεντεκαιδεκατω 8 L. 7, ep. 3.
Δομετιαν8 κατα πλεισων έτερων και Φλαβιαν Δομετιλλαν

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nus. The daughter of this Bruttius * was married to Commodus, with the consent of Marcus Antoninus. And • Pagi supposeth that to be the reason why he was honoured with a second consulship.

Scaliger supposeth this Bruttius, who had been consul with Antoninus, and afterwards a second time, whose daughter was married to Commodus, or a relation of his, to be the historian intended by Eusebius.

Tillemont says he may have been Bruttius Præsens who was consul in the year 139, or Præ- . sens to whom the younger Pliny wrote: though, as he adds, there were others of the same name about that time.

Mr. Dodwell's conjecture is, that he is the same who was consul with Antoninus the pious, as I understand him, though his manner of expression is ambiguous.

Some remarks may now not be improper. In the first place it may be fit to observe that Brutus, and Bruttius, and Brettius, as in the Greek of Eusebius's Chronicle, are all one and the same name, as Scaliger has shewn.

Secondly, I suppose no one will hesitate to allow that Bruttius was an heathen historian, though he is not expressly called so in any of the places where he is named. The manner in which he is mentioned by Eusebius in bis Chronicle, and by the author of the Paschal Chronicle, would lead us to suppose him not a Christian. And the passage in the Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius, compared with his Chronicle, I think puts it out of doubt.

Thirdly, Nothing has appeared in our ancient authors to satisfy us whether Bruttius was a Latin or a Greek writer. But Vossius placeth him among Latin historians.

Fourthly, Dion Cassius, to be hereafter quoted, will inform us of a Flavia Domitilla, wife of the consul Clement, who was banished by Domitian for Christianity into the island Pandeteria, which lay near to Pontia, upon the same coast of Italy. This has given occasion to a dispute whether there were two of this name who suffered for Christianity about the same time: some supposing one and the same person to be intended, others * again contending that there were two. The matter is of no great importance; nevertheless, perhaps, we may hereafter give it some farther consideration in the chapter of Dion Cassius.

Fifthly, it seems somewhat probable that the author of the Paschal Chronicle did not copy Eusebius, but took his account from the work of Bruttius itself. For Eusebius, making particu. lar mention of Domitilla only, who was not banished till the year 95, says that · historians of • different sentiment from us had accurately marked the time of that persecution to be in the • fifteenth year of Domitian. But the Paschal Chronicle affirms from Bruttius that many suffered in the fourteenth year of that reign. And 'Pagi hence argues, and not without some appearance of probability, that the persecution began in the fourteenth year of Domitian.

Sixthly, I wish that either Eusebius, or the last mentioned author, had given us the very words of Bruttius. He did not say the Christians suffered martyrdom.' The style of heathen authors in such matters is curious and entertaining, and more satisfactory than any other whatever.

Once more, seventhly, Eusebius, in his Ecclesiastical History, speaks in the plural number, and says that · writers of a different sentiment from us had given an account of Domitian's persecution in their histories:' but we have not found more than one named in his Chronicle, nor in the Paschal Chronicle. Dion Cassius wrote before Eusebius : whether he ever read him does not now appear: but we shall quote him upon the same subject in his place and time.

• Filio suo Bruti Præsentis filiam junxit (Marcus Aurelius.] serit sub [forte cum] Antonino. Diss. Cypr. xi. sect. 16. Jul. Capitol. de M. Anton. Phil. c. 27, p. 394.

Page 80. Erat Bruttius Præsens pater Crispinæ uxoris Commodi, 8 In Grecis est Βρεττιος. Ιn Casauboni Chronico Βρουτιος, ob idque altero Consulatu hoc anno a M. Aurelio decoratus. ut hic. Nam non audiendi sunt, qui hic Bratius substituunt, Pagi ann. 180, num. i.

aut Bruttianus. Sat enim est, eos Græcâ lectione confutari. Aut Bruttius Præsens, qui cum Imp. Antonino Consul Nam quemadmodum BGOUTT101 et BPETTI, Italiæ populi, indiffuit, et cujus filia Imperatoris Antonini filio napta fuit, aut ferenter vocantur; ita etiam BpOUTTIOS et BOETTIOS pro eodem saltem ejus gentilis quidam, fuerit bistoricus iste. Scalig. in scriptore usurpari potuerit. Scal. ibid. p. 205. Euseb. p. 205. a.

hi De Hist. Lat. lib. 3, B. fin. Saint Fl. Domitille. Mem. Ec. T. 2, p. 127.

Basnag. ann. 95, num. vii. Vid. et Scal. ubi supr. p. 205. e Ethnicum scriptorem protulit Eusebius, quern Brutium k Tillem. Mem. Ec. Tom. 2, p. 126, 127. appellat in Chronico, forte cumdem, qui consulatum ges- | Ann. 94, num. V. VOL. IV. .

I

I have been very much at a loss where to place this writer. One would think, from Eusebius's manner of expression in his Ecclesiastical History, that he had been contemporary with Domitian's persecution. And in his Chronicle Bruttius is placed at the year of Christ 95. Nevertheless, none can suppose that to be the real time of his writing. However, that I may not be charged with entering him too late, I place him at the year of Christ 136, the twentieth year of Adrian. And if this Bruttius be the same (as divers learned men have thought) who was consul with Titus Antoninus in the year 139, I have placed him early enough.

CHAP. XIII.

PHLEGON, THALLUS, AND DIONYSIUS THE AREOPAGITE.

I. Phlegon. His time and works. II. A passage in him concerning our Saviour's foreknowledge.

III. Another passage supposed to relate to the miraculous darkness at the time of our Saviour's crucifixion, with remarks and observations. IV. Thallus, supposed also to speak of the same darkness. V. Dionysius the Areopagite, supposed likewise to speak of the same event.

year 141.

1. Pulegon, · freedman of the emperor Adrian, was born at Tralles in Lydia. He was author of several works; one of which was entitled The Olympiads, or "A Collection of Olympiads and Chronicles, in sixteen books. It was a kind of general history of the world from the first to the two hundred and twenty-ninth olympiad, or to the times of Adrian. If the last olympiad was complete, as some think, it reachel to the fourth year of Antoninus the pious: if it was incomplete, as others suppose, the work ended in the year 138, in which Adrian died; at which time I also place him. It was inscribed to Alcibiades, one of the body guards of Adrian: which may afford an argument that the work did not go lower than the reign of that emperor, and was published in the year 138, or soon after. Basnage speaks of Phlegon at the

I write not the history of Phlegon, or his works: I therefore refer to other learned moderns.

Out of the large work abovementioned, some passages have been alleged by ancient Christian writers, of which some notice must be taken here.

II. Origen, in his books against Celsus, has this passage: · However, 8 Phlegon in the thir· teenth, or, as I think, the fourteenth, book of his Chronicles, ascribes to Christ the knowledge

of some future things; though he makes a mistake in the person, naming Peter instead of Jesus: • and he allows that the things foretold came to pass.'

Upon this I must be allowed to say, first, that Origen seems to have trusted to his memory in this quotation. Secondly, If Phlegon named Peter instead of JESUS, it is a mark of carelessness and inaccuracy. Thirdly, We should have been glad to see this passage of Phlegon more at length; for want of which we cannot form any clear judgment about it. Fourthly, Phlegon was so credulous that his testimony concerning things of a marvellous kind must be of little

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5 Φλεγων Τραλλιανος-ισορικος. Εγραψε Ολυμπιαδας εν βιβλιοις ις'. Εςι δε μεχρι της σκι' ολυμπιαδος τα αραχθεντα

Φλεγοντος Τραλλιανε, απελευθερα το αυτοκρατορος Αδριανά, ολυμπιονικών και χρονικων συναγωγη. Προσφωνει το συνταγμα ωρος Αλκιβιαδην τινα, ος εις την των εις φυλακην τεταγμένων τε Αδριανο-κατεισε δε, ός αυτος φησι, μεχρι των Αδριανο χρονων. Phot. Cod. 97, p. 265.

d J. Scaliger. Animadv. in Euseb. Chron. p. 185. Pagi ann. 136, n. viii. aliique. • Fabr. Bib. Gr. l. 4, c. 13. T. 3, p.

401. i Voss. de Hist. Gr. I. 2, c. xi. Fabr. B. Gr. l. 4, c. 13. Tillemont. Adrien. art. 18. Dictionnaire de Bayle Phlegon."

8 Φλεγων μεντοι εν τρισκαιδεκατω, η τεσσαρεσκαιδεκατω, οιμαι, των χρονικων, και την περι τινων μελλοντων προγνωσιν εδωκε τω Χρισω, συγχυθεις εν τοις περι Πετρο, ως περι τε Ιησο: και εμαρτυρησεν ότι κατα τα ειρημενα υπ' αυτά τα λεγομενα ETYYTYDE. Contr. Cels. 1. 2, p. 09. al. sect. 14.

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