universal and unambiguous is the same thing as to deny the predestinarian tenets; yet it is a fact that many, who hold these tenets strongly, are equally strong in affirming the proposition which he asserts, viz. the universality and fairness of the gospel offer. In a case involved in so much metaphysical difficulty, and on a subject which human language can but imperfectly explain,too much caution can not be exercised. It would therefore, perhaps, be more adviseable for each party, instead of combating every sentiment which by possible inference may lead to error, to attack vigorously that error which is plain and practical. Let the error of narrowing the invitations of scripture, in such a manner as would be deemed unfair in the case of any other invitation, be exposed; let the error also of ascribing delusive offers of grace and mercy be preached against. If these here sies are renounced, and we believe them to be renounced by numbers whose views on the subject of predestination are at variance with those of the pious author, the remaining differences of opinion will be found to be practically of so little moment, that they certainly ought not to disturb the peace of the church. Even with a view to the removal of despondency from the minds of such as are attached to predestinarian principles, the course we recommend would probably be the most efficacious. The texts which Mr. G. has cited will be allowed, at least by many of them, to establish decisively the fairness and universality of the gospel offer, but they will not be considered by them as standing opposed, in any way, to their views of predestination.

The eighteenth and nineteenth sermons, on the christi characters of youth,"are calculated to be highly useful; but our limits will not allow us to examine them in detail. The observations on amusements appear to us to be extremely just and seasonable.

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account for the moderate indulgence of our desires."-"The meaning of counsel," (as Mr. Gisborne shrewdly observes,) "is often illustrated by looking to the conduct of the counsellor. Survey the general conduct of the men who offer this counsel. What is the ordinary course of their lives? Altogether worldly."" One is habitually sensual, another proud, another covetous, another unchaste." (p. 424.) · A second answer which Mr. Gisborne shews to be erroneous is, that a man must be amiable, "be candid. Judge no one;"-" study to please all."-"To cheerfulness add liberality, according to your convenience.” -"How many selfish, how many deceitful, how many abandoned men," (observes the pious writer) "have corresponded with this description!" -"What proof is here to be found of sanctity, of heavenly mindedness, of superiority to the world, of mortification of the corruptions of the heart; of those dispositions towards God the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, which the scriptures incessantly inculcate and demand?" (p. 426.)—“ Be useful" is a third answer. But religion, as Mr. Gisborne insists, is not summed up in usefulness. "We are to do all to the glory of God, that God in all things may be glorified through Jesus Christ." Lastly, The union of these qualities with a certain kind of common profession of trust in Christ is pointed out to be insufficient. The nature of a true faith in the Redeemer is then treated of. This is declared to be, not merely an admis sion that the Bible is true, nor a faith terminating in the understanding. It must, indeed, convince the judgment, "because our Maker deals with us as rational creatures." "But the heart is its object. There it must dwell. There it must reign. Believe with the heart in the Lord Jesus Christ, and thou shalt be saved." (p. 432.)

What then, adds our author, does christian faith, as governing the heart; include? "It implies a deep sense of our own inherent corruption,"-" an awful consciousness of the punishment to which we have justly become obnoxious,"-" a decided conviction of our own inability to discharge any part of our debt to divine justice," "a fervent desire to be rescued from the future dominion of sin,"-" an experimental knowledge that, if we are abandoned to our natural strength, wo

They are driven to their work by the lash of a cart-whip, which respects in its application neither sex nor strength; and which, during the hours appointed for labour, allows to individuals "no breathing time, no resting on the hoe, no pause of languor*" Such being the nature of the Slave Trade, the burden of the argument is necessarily thrown on those who would defend so inhuman and unnatural a commerce. Accordingly, after remarking on the folly of confound ing with the views of abolitionists in this country the insane projects of French emancipation, (the effects of which furnish some of the most powerful arguments against the trade), the author proceeds to consider the reasonings advanced by the advocates of the trade in its vindication.

1. It has actually been maintained, that "the Slave Trade is necessary to the civilization of Africa." Similar reasoning was employed by the Spaniards to justify their cruelties to the native Americans: but it would be wasting time to refute such a monstrous position.

2. The defenders of this trade have maintained, that "slavery has existed in all ages and countries:" as if any degree of antiquity or universality could justify an atrocious crime. They have even impiously taxed the blessed doctrines of our holy religion with lending their sanction to this trade: as if any ingenuity could twist the gospel of Jesus Christ into a communion with the wholesale destruction of innocent life. (p. 24.)

3. It has been maintained, that "the chief sources of the Slave Trade are, war and crimes." But granting this, does not the Slave Trade, as Mr. Brougham justly observes in his "Colonial Policy," (Vol. II. p. 564) hold out a premium for the encouragement of wars and of futile accusations? It must be allowed that wars and false accusations might exist in Africa independent of the Slave Trade: but it cannot fairly be denied that more of these are engendered by the Slave Trade than by any other cause. The receivers of stolen goods are the great

*See an accurate description of the ordinary mode of field labour in the West Indies, (from which the above is taken) in "the Crisis of the Sugar Colonies," p. 8, extracted in the Christian Observer, Vol. I. p. 307.

encouragers of robberies and thefts. Their expulsion from the land might not abolish these crimes: but would it not be absurd to dispute, on that ac count, the propriety of expelling them? As to the argument that massacres would be the consequence of the abo lition, it is very satisfactorily obviated by the same ingenious writer both by an appeal to reason, and to facts borrowed from travellers who are themselves defenders of the Slave Trade, viz. Sonnini, Edwards, Bruce, and Park.

4. But it is said that "the abolition of the trade by one nation would not benefit Africa. If we should relinquish it, France, Holland, &c. would take it up." But surely we can prevent the importation of negroes, by any other nation, into our own colonies; and these are the chief drain of Africa. The share of the trade, therefore, which will fall to other nations, can only be that part which we car ry on for the supply of their colonies. But the same argument has, in fact, been employed by the French, Dutch, &c.; so that this "trade of iniquity and shame is to be supported to all eternity, 'because each of the parties may say, that the others might continue it!" There is a language more becoming this great nation, "We have been the ringleaders in the crime, let us be the first to repent, and set an example of amendment?" (p. 31.)

These are the only arguments which have been invented to palliate the enormity of our national guilt as it affects Africa; and their weakness and futility are sufficiently apparent. The reasons urged in favour of the Slave Trade, from its utility to the states engaged in it, are next to be considered.

1. "The capital employed in the Slave Trade, if suddenly thrown out of employment, would give a serious blow to our commerce." The official value, however, of our exports to Africa on account of the Slave Trade, from the year 1790 to 1800, was only £.846,469. annually, or one thirty-fourth part of the average capital employed in our export trade during the same time. The profits of the negro traffic are moreover very uncertain, and the returns peculiarly slow. An increase of the legitimate African Trade might be expected to follow the abolition of that .in

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Slaves. And even if this were not the case, the other branches of our commerce would afford ready employment for the small pittance thrown out of the Slave Trade. The average of the capital employed in the exports of Great Britain, during the three years ending in 1800, was above fifty millions during the three preceding years upwards of thirty-eight millions. If employment was thus suddenly found for above eleven millions of capital, how could the country sustain any shock from the shifting of a tenth part of the sum? But this last argument is wholly incompatible with the argument that foreign nations will take up the trade if we leave it. The capital which they vest in this trade must be taken from some other channel, and the blank thus caused will be exactly supplied by the British capital withdrawn from the Slave Trade.

2. "The Slave Trade is necessary to the support of the British navy." The Slave Trade, however, supports not a sixtieth part of our tonnage, and employs not a twenty-seventh part of our seamen. This disproportion of seamen to tonnage arises from the great mortality in this trade compared with any other. From the muster rolls of Liverpool and Bristol, it appears that of twelve thousand two hundred and sixty-three persons employed in Slave ships, two thousand six hundred and forty-three were lost in a year, whereas of the same number employed in the West India trade, which is not the most healthful branch of our commerce, not above three hundred and twenty-five perished in the same time. There can, therefore, be no greater abuse of language than to call the Slave Trade "the nursery of the British navy."

Thus it appears that the arguments in favour of the Slave Trade, as necessary to our commercial interests or maritime power, rest on no tenable ground. The question remains to be considered as it relates to the West Indies.

1. It is asserted, that "Europeans cannot labour in a West Indian climate," and that "the negroes, who alone are fit to do so, can only be made to work by the lash." But the question at present is not whether the Slaves in the West Indies shall be emancipated, but whether more shall be imported.

2. But "the importation of negroes is necessary for keeping up the stock already on hand." In other words, the treatment of these men diminishes their numbers, and prevents their natural increase: so that it is justifiable to go on kidnapping and purchasing men whom we may murder. But not to insist on this view of the case, the most unfavourable to West Indians which can be taken, it may easily be proved, by documents drawn from those who are most hostile to abolition, that the stock of negroes in the islands would be kept up and even increased by breeding, without the aid of importations. All those causes also of decrease, which are directly or re motely referable to the Slave Trade, (and these are numerous and powerful,) being removed; the natural increase would proceed with redoubled velocity.

3. "In case of abolition, a stop would be put to the prosecution of all the schemes formed for clearing fresh lands and extending cultivation." But is it not extravagant to expect that, after having proved the radical inquity of this traffic, and that various innocent methods of employing capital might be substituted; such a trade should be continued, merely because some men hope, from its continuance, to acquire or increase their fortunes? The abolition might be a disappointment, but it could be no actual loss to such men: nor could they have any more claim for indemnification, than a merchant would have who had bought woollens to supply the Lisbon market, but who was disappointed in his hope of a sale by our annulment of the Methuen treaty. "Can any policy," observes Mr. Brougham, when discussing this point in his "Colonial Policy," "be more contemptible than that which would refuse its sanction to such a measure, for fear of disappointing those men who had arranged their plans with the hopes of fattening upon the plunder of the public character and virtue?"

4. The advocates of the Slave Trade contend, that "the abolition of this traffic belongs not to the British parliament but to the colonial legislatures." The weakness and absurdity of such a claim is, however, very satisfactorily exposed by this anonymous but able writer; (p. 52-55.) as it also is in "the Crisis of the Sugar Colonies," a pamphlet highly deserving the