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from the partial consideration of detached passages of scripture is this,

"Admit uo conclusion in any system, unless the conclusion itself, as well as the thesis from which it is deduced, be explicitly set forth in Holy Scripture.

"This rule is equivalent to two very wise declarations of our excellent Church; ⚫ that whatsoever is not read in Scripture, nor may be proved thereby, is not to be required of any man, that it should be believed as an article of the Faith, or be thought requisite or necessary to salvation; and that 'We must receive God's promises in such wise, as they be generally set forth to us in Holy Scripture'." (p. 19, 20*.)

In order to prove the utility of his rule, and to manifest at the same time the vanity of building systems, and the folly of contending for such mere creatures of fallacious reasoning; the author takes a review of the two chains of inferences already noticed, and compares them link by link with the Bible, shewing, as he proceeds, that all the apparently legitimate conclusions which he had previously deduced from two texts of scripture, taken by themselves, are not only not distinctly expressed in scripture; but may be directly opposed and confuted by other texts.

"Could it be once indisputably shewn that Calvinism" (we should say, either system) is the unadulterated doctrine of the Bible, I should," observes the author, "hold myself obliged to embrace it, however contrary it might be to my own preconceived opinions, because the Bible is the word of God; but till that can be done, I think it more safe to admit no conclusion whatsoever, unless I have the express warrant of scripture for so doing." "So long as men are determined to fabricate systems for themselves, and cannot rest contented with the simple word of God: we must not be surprised, if on the one hand, we should occasionally find a Calvinist, wallowing in the mire of Antinomianism, or locked up in the immoveable ice of Fatalism; nor if, on the other hand, we should sometimes have reason to bewail the heretical pravity of an Arminian, inflated with the vain idea of his own sufficiency, and rushing madly into all the

* In a long note the author endeavours to prove, that the articles, when viewed in connection with the liturgy and homilies,, do not so much set forth a precise scheme of doctrines totum teres atque rolundum,

as they speak the very language of the Bible itself," and that it is, therefore, as hopeless a labour to extract from them a regular system either of Calviniau or Arminianism as from scripture.

philosophising errors of determined Pela-
gianism. (p. 40.)

"But," observes Mr. Faber, "unsound
doctrine is not the only mischievous conse-,
quence of fabricating such systems. Vio-
lent contentions for favourite opinions are
too frequently the harbingers of that bane
of Christian meekness and charity, open
schism. Obscure matters of doubtful dis-
putation acquire an importance in the
eyes of a party-man, which they by no
means deserve. By long brooding over
them in private, by associating with none
but those who hold the same sentiments,
and by reading no works but those which
are written on one side of the question, his
passions become inflamed, in proportion
as his judgment is unexercised: and he
who think precisely like himself; and who,
can consider none orthodox, but those,
in addition to the formularies of the Church
of England, admit all the peculiarities of
his system. Hence we find, that a high
Calvinist views an Arminian with a sort of
undefinable prejudice and dislike: while
a high Arminian amply epays this uncha-
ritable bigotry with jealousy, distrust, and,
contempt. According to the one, Calvi-
nism, unmixed Calvinism, is the undoubt-
the other, every Calvinistic divine, how ever
ed doctrine of the Church: according to
exact in his submission to the discipline
of the Church, is to be considered only in
the light of a concealed foe, who would in-
fallibly overturn the whole constitution,
both ecclesiastical and civil, were it in his
power to do so. The first terms his oppo-
hent a doctrinal dissenter, because he can.
not subscribe to all the dogmata of Calvin;
and proclaims his own party to be the
only true members of the Anglican Church;
the second returns the compliment by
styling his adversary a dissenter in the
Church, and by representing him as an
enthusiastic admirer of all the whimsical
extravagances of Methodism. Such are
the unhappy disputes of the present day;
which serve only to irritate the minds of
the contending parties, to grieve all mode-
rate men, and to delight the advocates for
Infidelity and Schism.

"Meanwhile that venerable branch of
protestant episcopacy, the established
Church of England, pursues the noiseless
tenor of her way, ur-moved by the din of
theologic hatred, and unbiassed by the con-
fident appeals of her restless children.'
"Peace be within thy walls, and plente-
ousness within thy palaces!" Thou hast
chosen the Word of God for thy guide;
and may that God be thy protection in the
midst of all thy troubles!" (p. 41-44.)

Having thus given an analysis of Mr. Faber's work, we shall leave it to our readers to form a judgment upon its merits; only remarking, that although we cannot follow him with satisfaction through some parts of his.

1

360 Review of Appendix to Statement of
reasoning, which certainly appears to
us at times to be inconclusive and
illogical; yet it is impossible not to
commend the design with which he
has written, as well as the temper,
and, upon the whole, the impartia-
lity with which he has conducted a
delicate and difficult discussion. We
very sincerely wish that his coun-
sels of peace were more generally
pursued, and that Calvinists and Ar-
minians were more willing to merge
their unessential differences in the
more honourable appellation of chris-
tians.

CLXIH. Appendix to the concise Statement of the Question regarding the Abolition of the Slave Trade. London, Hatchard. 1804. pp. 28. THE pamphlet to which the tract before us forms an Appendix, was reviewed with strong expressions of commendation in our last number. It has already passed through a third edition; and, we rejoice to find that it has made no small impression on the minds of many individuals, who had not before considered the subject, or 1 who had been imposed upon by the bold assertions and artful misrepresentations of the friends of the slave trade. It might indeed be fairly presumed a priori, that such a system as theirs would be supported by dishonourable arts. It would be unreasonable to expect that the man-merchant, whose practices on the coast of Africa, in the common course of his trade, are of that atrocious and fraudful kind which they have been proved to be; should in England feel any compunction or remorse of conscience at employing falsehoods in order to preserve to himself the profitable privilege of catching his fellow-creatures like wild beasts; subjecting them to every species of cruelty; and vending them into perpetual slavery.

In this question, perhaps the greatest moral question which has ever been agitated by any legislature, involving the happiness or misery of millions upon millions of our fellow-men, we certainly do feel a more than common interest. Nor shall we pay so poor a compliment to the moral taste, to say nothing of the religious principles of our readers, as to think any apology necessary for the space which we allot to the discussion of this subject at the present crisis. We congratulate our

Arguments on the Slave Trade. [JUNE, readers, and the country at large, on the success with which the progress of the bill for instantly abolishing this house: and, we trust, it will be trade has been attended in the lower found that the nobles of our land equally participate in those sentiments of encreasing reprobation and abhortraffic is now manifestly regarded. rence, with which this murderous For the sake of every thing dear to pray, that while the judgments of us as Britons, do we most earnestly God are visibly dislayed in the earth, and impend with growing blackness over this country, we may be induced manity, justice, and religion, which to listen to those sacred claims of huthe warning voice of providential appointments so loudly enforces; and which importunately urge us to wash our hands from this trade of iniquity and blood, with which they have been so long and so foully polluted.

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cupied with a view of the comparaThe first part of the Appendix is octive merits of gradual and immediate abolition. We shall not enter into any minute account of the unanswer able arguments which the author has produced in favour of the latter, but only briefly allude to them. In the first place, it must be allowed, that "if the slave trade is radically iniquitous,' ought to be no temporising with it." ""there This argument, however, though sa tisfactory to a christian, would, as the discerning author well knows, make but a feeble impression on the minds of most of those who support that trade, Nay, it is even to be questioned whe ther their distaste for such principles and for the source whence they are drawn, do not tend to increase the na tural affection which they entertain for their favourite commerce. He is, therefore, not so weak as to rely on such an argument; but he goes on to prove, and we venture to say, does interests of the West Indian Planters prove, that national policy, and the are ranged, in this instance, on the same side with justice. Among other strong reasons, he observes, that if the slave trade is to cease, not immedi ately, but after a certain time, say three or four years, then

African Traders in drawing millions from "The interval will be employed by the the other branches of commerce to pour them into the Negro Traffic, and in manning every vessel that can keep the sea, with sailors, swept from the wholesome

lines of navigation, and hurried into the most pestilential of all employments. The demand for slaves suddenly increased, can only be answered by a frightful aggrava tion of all the miseries to which Africa has

been doomed by her communication with Europe. The eagerness of our traders to profit by the interval, will urge them to

commit new breaches of the Slave carry ing Act, and to augment incalculably the deplorable cruelties of the middle passage. But what will be the consequence of this sudden accumulation of new Slaves in the West Indies? What to this was the paltry increase of new hands previous to 1789, which brought about the dreadful revolution of St. Domingo? How well is it for those who shudder at the prospect of the immediate Abolition, because it is a sudden innovation, to embrace a project the most full of change-the most pregnant with violent alteration-the most certainly prolific in wide spreading revolution of any that the imagination can paint?" (p. 83, 84.)

"That measure is surely no innovation, however suddenly it may be executed, which only stops the increase of combustible matter in a house already hot with the fire that rages in the next." (p. 84.)

The impracticability of a gradual diminution of the slave trade is then satisfactorily established. So that unless the late decision of the House of Commons is followed by immediate abolition, "which can alone satisfy the loud claims of justice, or save the British West Indies from the deplorable fate of St. Domingo," it will be wholly inefficient.

Lord Castlereagh's argument against immediate Abolition, namely, its impracticability, is next considered, and confuted with the accustomed ability of this anonymous champion of the African race, Indeed we are not a little surprised that the weakness of the argument, to say nothing of the wickedness with which it is pregnant, should not have struck his Lordship's discriminating mind on the very first view.

The Second Part of the Appendix consists of extracts from various authors, (not advocates for the abolition of the slave trade,) designed to illustrate some parts of the argument urged in the CONCISE STATEMENT. The facts which have been adduced by the abolitionists to support their representations of the enormity of the slave trade, have not only been questioned, but boldly denied by the man-merchants and their adherents. The author, therefore, produces a host of

witnesses to substantiate those facts, who were themselves either engaged in the slave trade, or professed friends to its continuance: some of whom wrote long before the agitation of the question, and some very recently. The testimonies brought forward will be allowed, on all hands, to be perfectly unexceptionable; and we know, that they might be indefinitely multiplied. A few extracts from this part of the Appendix will close our review.

"Mons. Brue, who was Director Gene ral of the French Senegal Company, and resided eleven years in Africa, in giving a full description of the trade, with the most friendly opinion of it, says,

"The Europeans are far from desiring to act as peace-makers amongst them. It would be too contrary to their interests; for the only object of their wars is, to car ry off Slaves, and as these make the prin cipal part of their traffic, they would be apprehensive of drying up the source of it, were they to encourage these people to live well together,

"Their campaigns are usually incursions to plunder and pillage, and they have every thing they wish to aim at from their wars, when they are able to make cap

tives from one another, because that it is the best merchandize they have to trade with the Europeans. Avarice, and the desire of making Slaves, in order to have wherewith to buy European commodities, are often the veritable motives for going to

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"In case the King of Barsally (says Mr. Moore, who was factor to the Royal African Company about the year 1730,) is not at war with any neighbouring King, he then falls upon one of his own towns, which are numerous, and uses them in the very same manner. It is owing to the King's insatiable thirst after brandy, that his subjects freedom and families are in so precarious a situation, for he very often goes with some of his troops by a town in the day time, and returns in the night, and sets fire to three parts of it, and sets guards to the fourth, to seize the people as they run out from the fire. He ties their arms behind them, and marches them to the place where he sells them." (p. 96.)

"The Travels of Mr. Park, a decided

advocate of the Slave Trade, published under the immediate inspection of Mr. Bryan Edwards, affords various confirmations of the facts above stated. 'War,' he observes, is certainly the most general and most productive source of slavery.' He says there are two kinds of warfare, one similar to that which prevails among all nations, the other peculiar to Africa; it is called tegria, or plunder." (p. 99.) From Mr. Park's account of these plundering wars we shall make one or two extracts.

"Wars of this description are generally conducted with great secrecy. A few resolute individuals, headed by some person of enterprise and courage, march quietly through the woods, surprise in the night some unprotected village, and carry off the inhabitants and their effects, before their neighbours can come to their assistance." (p. 100.)

"These plundering excursions, always produce speedy retaliation; and when large parties cannot be collected for the purpose, a few friends will combine together, and advance into the enemy's country, with a view to plunder, or to carry off the inhabitants. A single individual has been known to take his bow and quiver, and proceed in like manner; conceal himself among the bushes, until some young or unarmed person passes by. He then, tyger-like, springs upon his prey; drags his victim into the thicket, and in the night carries him off as a slave." (p. 100.)

But the most remarkable testimony is that of Bryan Edwards himself, who though afterwards the great opponent in parliament of the measure of abolition, had thus expressed himself in a speech which he made in Jamaica in the year 1789, and which was afterwards printed by himself. His words are

"He is persuaded that Mr. Wilberforce has been very rightly informed as to the manner in which Slaves are generally procured. His (Mr. E.'s) information arises from his own Negroes, who abundantly

confirm, he assures us, Mr. W.'s account. They have not left, he tells us, the shadow of a doubt upon his own niind, that the effects of this trade are precisely such as Mr. W. represents them to be a general scene of oppression, fraud, treachery, and blood-all upheld by the Slave TradeThat the whole of that immense continent is a field of warfare and desolation-a wilderness in which the inhabitants are

wolves to each other. He dare not dispute

it. And Mr. E. further asserts, that every man may be convinced that it is so, who will inquire of any African Negroes, on their first arrival, concerning the circumstances of their captivity; and he declares, that the assertion "that a great many of

these are criminals and convicts,"-is mockery and insult." (p. 99.)

The remaining part of the pamphlet abundantly proves the very mitigated nature of domestic servitude in Africa, when compared with West Indian bondage; the gradual increase of the barbarism, depopulation, and barrenness of that continent, in proportion to the vicinity of the coast and the consequent frequency of intercourse with Europeans; the great progress which Africans are capable of making in various arts; their commertion; their hospitality; and their ar cial habits; their strong natural affec dent love of their native soil.

CLXIV. A Letter to the Right Honour able W. Pitt, containing some new Arguments against_the_Abolition of the Slave Trade. By BRITANNICUS. London, Jordan. 1804. pp. 33. Price 2s.

THE ingenious author of the epistle before us has certainly brought forward one NEW argument on the hackneyed subject of the slave trade: and it is one which reflects at least as much credit on his sagacity; as the modest assurance, that though an enemy to methodistical cant and bigotry, he is "as religious a man as any man in the world can be," does on his humility. If we give freedom to the negroes, observes this most religious writer, we shall ourselves indubitably become the slaves of Bonaparte. The force of this reasoning is not very obvious to common minds. It possesses, ty; all the other arguments which however, the singular merit of novelBritannicus has employed being merely the old and stale wares of the pamphleteers, and parliamentary orators of 1791 and 1792, vamped up for the occasion. His sneer at methodism, and methodistical cant, for instance, is very far from being an original invention. Neither is his avowed preference of commercial gain to national probity; in other words, of the service of Mammon to that of God; without numerous precedents in the annals of the slave trade: although

we are at some loss to account for it in the case of "as religious a man as any man in the world can be," except on the supposition that he really mistakes the proper object of worship, and confounds his devotion to

the God of this world with true religion.

Having, after the example of his predecessors, stigmatized as mere pretenders to religion, nay almost as guilty of impiety, those who dare to raise their voice against that humune and scriptural practice, vulgarly called the slave trade, but which by a beautiful and appropriate figure of speech is here styled "a fibre of the extended root of the country;" Britannicus scruples not to affirm, that this trade has the sanction of divine authority. His argument, which is certainly not new, amounts to thisThe scriptures record the existence of slavery in ancient times; therefore, the scriptures sanction that traffic in men which is carried on by British subjects from the coast of Africa, for the supply of labourers in our West Indian islands. But the Bible likewise records the fratricide of Cain, the drunkenness of Noah, the incest of Lot, the concubinage of Abraham and Jacob, and the polygamy of David. Therefore, provided the commercial wealth of Great Britain, the deity whom he idolizes, could in any way be promoted thereby, Britannicus might, with equal propriety, argue, that these practices are sanctioned by the Bible. And surely it must be admitted, that they furnish proofs, at least, as convincing in favour of modern sensuality, impurity, and profligacy; as the sale of Joseph to the Midianites, or the existence of bondage in the patriarchal ages, furnish in support of the cruelties of the African man-merchant.

But let us take another view of the subject. The nature of the Roman government under Nero is well known. Yet even to this government, cruel and tyrannical to a degree which, but for the French revolution, would have been wholly unknown in modern Europe, does the scripture enjoin submission; affirming that "the powers that be are ordained of God.” With how much greater plausibility then, than belongs to the argument of Britannicus, might a tyrant who wished to deprive the favoured inhabitants of Britain of their constitutional rights, vindicate the measure? "My conduct," he might allege "is sanctioned by scripture. Absolute, military despotism is the form of government even ordained by the Almighty. The existing government in St. Paul's time

is expressly asserted to have been "ordained of God;" and yet that government was the despotic rule of a monster, whose cruelty is proverbial."

On the same principle, if admitted, may a scriptural warrant be found for every species of aggression and usurpation. "Render unto Cæsar the things that are Cæsar's" might be adduced as an acknowledgment on the part of our Lord, that there was nothing contrary to the precepts and spirit of his religion, in the unprovoked invasion and subjugation of Judea. And thus may Britannicus, without being aware of it, furnish to "the most hated and oppressive tyrant of the earth," a plea for the conquest and degradation of "the proudest nation in the universe." (p. 35.)

Take another example. Suppose one of the West Indian friends of Britannicus to be plundered of valuable property by some of his slaves. What would he think if these offenders, availing themselves of the convenient principle which Britannicus has established, were to repel the charge by affirming that they had a divine sanction for their conduct? "The children of Israel," might they not plead with at least equal force, "as the Bible informs us, (Exod. xii. 36.) plundered their masters, the Egyptians, of jewels of silver, and jewels of gold, and raiment. Was their conduct criminal? No: it was meritorious. It was done in obedience to the distinct command of God himself. (Exod. xi. 2.) There can, therefore, no criminality attach to us for having stripped you of your property."

We defy the man-merchants, or their most religious advocate, to make out a case from scripture in favour of the slave trade, stronger than either of these which we have now adduced. And yet, as the commercial wealth of Great Britain will not seem to Britannicus to be involved in them, even he may be able to perceive the absurdity of the reasoning by which they are supported.

But let it be granted, for the sake of argument, that the slavery mentioned in scripture was sanctioned by divine authority. Will this conces sion affect the question at issue, or establish the lawfulness of the African slave trade? By no means. But before we enter upon the discussion of

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