trumpet in the other. In his private life, he was a kind-hearted, and affectionate man. He was long in public life, and in responsible stations, but there is not a speech, nor a word of his, preserved. He was a strong, earnest speaker, but could not be ranked among the eloquent.

In 1800, Theodore Sedgwick took his seat on the bench of the Supreme Court. He was a zealous advocate for the adoption of the constitution, and is frequently mentioned by Mr. Jefferson, as one of the monarchists; and is included among the disaffected and worthless. He had been for many years in Congress, and Speaker of the House. He moved that the House should pass the necessary laws to carry the British treaty into effect. He was a man of large size, of good face, of dignified and courteous deportment, but with something of display of manner. From the time of his appointment to the bench, the conduct of the court towards the bar underwent an entire revolution, and the former causes of complaint soon disappeared. He was supposed to have induced this important change. Judge Sedgwick had the reputation of being a good lawyer, and a gentleman, in every meaning of that term.

Towards the end of the last century, among the men who were then juniors, and who were afterwards to take a very important part in the affairs of the country, were Christopher Gore, (then District Attorney,) Samuel Dexter, Harrison Gray Otis, and John Quincy Adams. There was also at the bar John Lowell, who, though he was not in Congress, nor in the national government in any station, had great influence on public opinion, as an undaunted and powerful writer in subsequent days, as there will be occasion to show.

Among the known writers on the opposition side, was the indefatigable Benjamin Austin, author of a long series of essays signed "Old South," and many others. They have ceased to be remembered; but they may, at some distant day, be worth an historian's perusal, as indicative of the temper of the times. On the other hand, there was a very able writer who signed himself

"Laco." His writings attracted great attention; but the author kept his own secret; and it is not known who he was.

About the end of the century, the forms of society underwent considerable change. The leveling process of France began to be felt. Powder for the hair began to be unfashionable. A loose dress for the lower limbs was adopted. Wearing the hair tied, was given up, and short hair became common. Colored garments went out of use, and dark or black were substituted. Buckles disappeared. The style of life had acquired more of elegance, as means had increased. Crowded parties, in the evening, were not as common then as they are now. There was more of sociability, and less form and display, than there is now. Some of these changes may be referred to the increase of numbers and of wealth. The Americans are not a people of light, spiritual amusement, as the French and Germans are. In this part of the country, they are much more like what the English are represented to be. There must be many still living, who remember the frank, friendly, social, unceremonious intercourse, which prevailed thirty or forty years ago. Has it disappeared? If it has, from what cause? and is the present state of things a better one?

LETTER XXVII.

APRIL 30, 1833.

THE retirement of General Washington was a cause of sincere, open, and indecent rejoicing among the French party in the United States. In France it was an event long desired, and cordially welcomed. The real friends of this country, and who were intelligent enough to comprehend the probable consequences, considered the loss of Washington's personal influence a public calamity.

At the time when the necessity of finding a new candidate for the presidency engaged the general attention, the relations of the United States with France were never more vexatious and embarrassing. President Washington had recalled Mr. Monroe, and sent over Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, as his successor. The government of France was then vested in a Directory of five; a Council of Ancients, and an Assembly of five hundred. Mr. Monroe was allowed a very gracious and complimentary retirement from the presence of the French dignitaries; he was told at the same time, what an abominable government his own countrymen had, yet how ardently the French loved them. But Mr. Pinckney was refused a reception, threatened with police custody, and at length, peremptorily ordered to quit the French territory. About this time, orders were issued to capture American vessels, wherever found, and bring them in as prize. These orders were faithfully executed. The French colonies in the West Indies sent out great numbers of privateers; and that of St. Domingo alone sent out eighty-seven.

Before this change in the French policy was known in the United States, the election of President came on. There was great difference of opinion among the federal party, whether to seek the election of John Adams, or Thomas Pinckney. As the constitution then was, both were voted for, by that party, expecting that one of them would be President, and the other Vice President. Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Clinton, of New York, were the two opposing candidates. Most unexpectedly the result was, that Mr. Adams stood highest, Mr. Jefferson next, and Mr. Pinckney third.

It was supposed, that so many of the eastern electors as preferred Mr. Adams to Mr. Pinckney, placed the latter candidate lower than they intended to do, and thereby gave a result which was exceedingly unwelcome as to the Vice President.

Mr. Adams, on the day of his inauguration, (March 4, 1797,) was in his 62d year. He was dressed in a full suit of pearl-colored broadcloth; with powdered hair. He was then bald on the top of his head. Mr. Adams was of middle stature, and full person;

and of slow, deliberate manner, unless he was excited; and when this happened, he expressed himself with great energy. Mr. Adams was a man of strong mind, of great learning, and of eminent ability to use knowledge, both in speech and writing. He was ever a man of purest morals: and is said to have been a firm believer in Christianity, not from habit and example, but from diligent investigation of its proofs. He had an uncompromising regard for his own opinion; and was strongly contrasted with Washington, in this respect. He seemed to have supposed that his opinions could not be corrected by those of other men, nor bettered by any comparison. He had been, from early manhood, a zealous patriot, and had rendered most essential services to his country, at home and abroad. These he always seems to have had in mind. He well remembered the painful struggles experienced in Europe, to obtain aid for the patriots at home, and an acknowledgment of independence, from governments there, while the war was yet regarded by England as rebellion. He ought to have known, as would seem from his own writings, in what manner public services are estimated. An individual can easily remember how much good he has done to a community; but those who are benefited, as easily forget. If public ingratitude is common, it is very natural. It is not improbable that Mr. Adams was impatient in finding how much more the easily understood services. of military men were appreciated, than were the secluded, though no less important ones, of diplomatic agency and cabinet counsel. So made up, from natural propensities, and from the circumstances. of his life, Mr. Adams came to the presidency at the time when more forbearance and discretion were required than he is supposed to have had. He seems to have been deficient in the rare excellence of attempting to see himself as others saw him; and he ventured to act, as though everybody saw as he saw himself. He considered only what was right in his own view; and that was to be carried by main force, whatever were the obstacles.

He found Mr. Pickering in the department of state, and continued him there. This gentleman was intelligent, honest, and,

like himself, disposed to respect his own opinion. Mr. Pickering had been most confidentially relied upon by Washington, and expected the like intercourse with Mr. Adams. But, perhaps, no two men, who had been associated in the national councils, except Jefferson and Hamilton, were less likely to harmonize than these two; but from what causes, others must judge, from better means of information than can be herein pretended to.

Mr. Pinckney's treatment in France was among the first objects that engaged the attention of the new President; and connected with it, the seizure and condemnation of American vessels, and the harsh treatment of their navigators. Mr. Adams thought the state of affairs demanded the deliberations of Congress, and its members were assembled on the 15th of May, 1797. In his speech, he commented on the expressions of the French government when Mr. Monroe took leave, as being highly derogatory to this country; he said he should make a new attempt to conciliate; but thought it indispensable that Congress should put the country in such a state, as to enable it to vindicate its honor, and independence.

Mr. Adams united Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, Elbridge Gerry, and John Marshall (since Chief Justice) in a mission to France, with very ample powers. These envoys were assembled at Paris in the month of October following; and immediately attempted to execute their commission. They gave the usual notice of their presence, and of their readiness to be accredited. Scenes followed of most exasperating character. Overtures, proposals, and demands were made, which excited an almost universal indignation in the United States, and, for a time, even silenced the devoted friends of France. The dispatches of these envoys are the authority for the occurrences at Paris. The first of these was received at the close of the year 1797, and others, later during the winter. On the 3d of April, 1798, all the dispatches, then received, were communicated to Congress, and made public.