Burr, however convinced myself, that my opinions and declarations have been well founded, as from my general principles and temper in relation to such affairs, I have resolved, if our interview is conducted in the usual manner, and it pleases God to give me the opportunity to reserve and throw away my first fire; and I have thoughts even of reserving my second fire; and thus giving a double opportunity to Colonel Burr to pause and to reflect. It is not, however, my intention to enter into any explanation on the ground. Apology, from principle, I hope, rather than pride, is out of the question.

"To those who, with me, abhorring the practice of duelling, may think that I ought on no account to have added to the number of bad examples, I answer, that my relative situation, as well in public as private, enforcing all the considerations which constitute what men of the world denominate honor, imposed on me, (as I thought,) a peculiar necessity not to decline the call. The ability to be in future useful, whether in resisting mischief, or effecting good, in those crises of our public affairs which seem likely to happen, would, probably, be inseparable from a conformity to public prejudice in this particular.

"A. H."

However deeply to be regretted it is, that the name and memory of Hamilton must for ever be associated with the odious offence of duelling, it is some relief, that there is his own condemnation of the practice. If there be any atonement, even for him, it is found in the judgment which he formed, however erroneously, that his future usefulness to his country depended on his obedience to the barbarous "law of honor."

On Saturday, the 14th of July, the remains of General Hamilton were consigned to the tomb, with every mark of respect and honor, and with demonstrations, universal and heartfelt, of touching grief. From a stage erected in the portico of Trinity Church, Gouverneur Morris, having with him four sons of Hamilton, (the oldest sixteen, and the youngest six,) pronounced an extempo

raneous oration over the remains of Hamilton, to an afflicted multitude. What occasion, in the history of the human family, could be more touching! It was HAMILTON who had fallen, in the midst of manhood and usefulness, and by the hand of BURR! The oration was worthy of the difficult and delicate occasion. It was uttered by one who felt the full sense of gratitude due from the country, and who fully comprehended the irreparable loss which the country had sustained. It was the overflowing of a mind that knew how to estimate the highest human worth, and the bereavement which affectionate friendship had to mourn.

The national misfortune was everywhere felt to be such, by all who were not steeped in party venom. Many funeral orations were pronounced; among others, one in Boston by Harrison Gray Otis, which was worthy of his own reputation and of the lamented object of his eulogy. Rufus King was among the audience on this occasion. It was delivered to a crowded assembly in King's Chapel, on the 26th of July. Among the concluding paragraphs is this faithful picture of the public feeling: "The univesal sorrow, manifested in every part of the Union upon the melancholy exit of this great man, is an unequivocal testimonial of his public worth. The place of his residence is overspread with a gloom which bespeaks the pressure of a public calamity; and the prejudices of party are absorbed in the overflowing tide of national grief."

Whatsoever Thomas Jefferson may have recorded of Alexander Hamilton, time and good sense are doing justice to both. The fame of Hamilton, associated with the fame of Washington, grows brighter and dearer to intelligent and patriotic Americans, while that of Jefferson, (with his own helping hand,) if remembered at all, will be only to show the difference between patriotism and its counterfeit.

LETTER L.

OCTOBER 15, 1833.

MR. JEFFERSON professes, in his communications to Congress, to be conscientiously careful of a "just economy;" he assumes to be impartial in all dealings with foreign nations; and scrupulously attentive to national honor. His pretensions in all these respects, may be tested by a single transaction.

The boundaries of Louisiana not having been defined, and Spain being exasperated at the purchase, a state of hostility had arisen with Spain, which Mr. Jefferson hoped to allay by negotiation. Mr. Monroe, the ever-ready diplomatist of Mr. Jefferson, was sent to Madrid, and there passed five months in an humiliating attempt at compromise. He was, at length, bold enough to say, that there were but two modes, arbitration or war. Spain answered, that she should not choose arbitration.

Mr. Jefferson was compelled to make a communication to Congress, which was confidential and secret, and wherein he makes known that the very difficulties (so far as France and Spain were concerned) which the federalists had predicted, had actually occurred. This message is dated the 6th December, 1806, and from it the following extracts are made. "A convention was accordingly entered into between our minister of Madrid and the minister of Spain for foreign affairs, by which it was agreed, that spoliations by Spanish subjects, in Spain, should be paid for by that nation; those committed by French subjects, and carried into Spanish ports, should remain for further discussion. Before this convention was returned to Spain with our ratification, the transfer of Louisiana by France took place, an event as unexpected as disagreeable to Spain. From that moment, she seemed to change her conduct and disposition towards us. It was first manifested by her protest against the right of France to alienate Louisiana to us; which was, however, soon retracted, and the right con

firmed. (How?) Then, high offence was manifested at the act of Congress, establishing a collection district on the Mobile. She now refused to ratify the convention," &c.

The message goes on to say, that James Monroe was sent over, to settle boundaries. "Spain reserved herself for events." Monroe, after five months' labor, effected nothing; no indemnity for spoliations; no acknowledgment of limits beyond the Iberville; and that "our line to the west was one which would have left us but a string of land on the Mississippi." Each party was thus left to pursue its own measures. Those, which they had chosen to pursue,"authorize the inference, that it is their intention to advance on our possessions, until met by an opposing force." "France took the ground, that they acquired no right beyond the Iberville, and meant to deliver us none beyond it." "The protection of our citizens, the spirit and honor of our country require, that force should be interposed to a certain degree." "The course to be pursued will require the command of means, which it belongs to Congress exclusively to yield, or deny."

Thus we have Mr. Jefferson's own admission, that every evil which his political adversaries had foretold, had occurred, so far as they could occur, within the time between his purchase and the writing of his message. There was certainly "a speck of war;" how this was prevented from enlarging, will be seen by the application of means, which Congress could yield, or deny. What did Mr. Jefferson really mean by this message? Just what circumstances might make it best to have it mean.

It was no new thing for Mr. Jefferson to express himself so ambiguously as to meet any contingency that might arise. If Congress were willing to go to war, the message was adapted to that end; if Congress were willing to vote money, the message was adapted to that end. The latter was Mr. Jefferson's purpose. Astonishing as the fact may be, Congress did place two millions of dollars at the disposal of Mr. Jefferson, which sum was to be applied to settling the troubles with Spain. The money was not so applied; but it was actually sent to France, in the United States ship Hor

net, for no other reason than that France wanted money, and must have it; and that there was no other way to avoid a war both with France and Spain!

The proof of these facts comes from no less a personage than John Randolph, who was then a Jeffersonian; but he was so disgusted with this double dealing, and so shocked at the degradation of the country, that he published a pamphlet signed Decius, in which he tells the truth as to this transaction. If it be asked, how this is known to have been John Randolph's work, the answer is, that it was ascribed to him at the time, and not denied; that the internal evidence is irresistible, as it states facts which no one but John Randolph, the President, Mr. Madison, (then Secretary of State,) and Mr. Gallatin, (then Secretary of the Treasury,) could have known; and lastly, the narration in this pamphlet accords with facts publicly known. From this pamphlet the following extracts are made.

Mr. Randolph was chairman of the committee, to whom this message was referred. He says in his pamphlet :-"The chairman of the committee, to whom the confidential message was referred, immediately waited on the President, and informed him of the direction which had been given to it. He then learned, not without surprise, that an appropriation of two millions was wanted to purchase Florida. He told the President that he would never agree to such a measure, because the money had not been asked for in the message; that he would not consent to shift to his own shoulders, or those of the House, the proper responsibility of the Executive; if the money had been explicitly demanded, he should have been averse to granting it, because, after a total failure of every attempt at negotiation, such a step would disgrace us for ever; because France would never withhold her ill offices, when, by their interposition, she could extort money from us; that it was equally to the interest of the United States, to accommodate the matter by an exchange of territory; (to this mode of settlement the President seemed much opposed;) that the nations of Europe, like the Barbary powers, would hereafter