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with the seal of infallibility, and is no longer a subject for the deliberation, or remonstrance of the citizen, to what monstrous lengths might not an administration carry its power! It has only to pass through rapid readings and midnight sessions, without allowing time for reflection or debate, to the final enactment of a bill, and even before the people are informed of the intentions of their rulers; and then their chains are riveted, and the right of complaint denied them."

It may be inferred, from these extracts, what the character and tendency of the republican lieutenant-governor's speech was; and with what constitutional and honorable spirit it was met by the true friends of the national union. The long answer of the House of Representatives is full of real republican principles; such principles as must govern in this land, or the doctrines of the lieutenant-governor must be admitted, namely, that the administration is everything; and their electors nothing.

These events occurred about twenty-four years ago. It was then the Jeffersonian creed, that the executive and legislative, united, were supreme; do what they might, the people must submit. This was received by FREEMEN with indignation, and the tyrants retraced their steps. But now, in 1834, we have made an astonishing advance! ONE man has dared to do, in the character of President of a free republic, what no monarchy in all Europe, crowned in right of hereditary succession, would venture to propose; and a majority of the House of Representatives look on and applaud!

While Lieutenant Governor Lincoln was at the head of the Commonwealth, he had not only the difficult duty of vindicating Mr. Jefferson's measures generally, but the highly responsible and special one of doing his will under the enforcing act. He took an extraordinary course to effect this object. The Governor, as commander-in-chief, issues, according to military propriety, his orders through the adjutant-general to the major-generals of divisions, and requires of them to detach such force as occasions call for. Such chief cannot be supposed to know, officially, that

there can be any difference of opinion among those who bear arms, and are subject to orders of superiors. All are equally bound to render any legal service which is required. But his honor dispensed with all such forms, and took the unprecedented course of writing to such subaltern officers as he, in some way, had found out to be good sound Jeffersonians, and passed by all superiors, whom he, in some way, knew, or suspected to be of a different order. His circular, on this occasion, is worth transcribing, as a curious instance of what a genuine republican chief magistrate may sometimes think to be his duty.

"The President of the United States has directed the Secretary of War to request me to appoint some officer of the militia, of known respect for the laws, in, or near each port of entry in this state, with orders, when applied to by the Collector of the District, to assemble a sufficient force of his militia, and to employ them efficaciously, to maintain the authority of the laws respecting the embargo. The President is peculiarly anxious, that the officers selected should be such, who can be best confided in to exercise so serious a power. Recollecting, that in the happy government established by the American people, the character of the citizen is not lost in that of the soldier, and that coolness, prompt obedience, and a sacred regard to the rights of society and individuals are essential to both, you will duly appreciate this opportunity of serving your country, and of even increasing the confidence she has placed in you.”

This service was force by one class of citizens, distinguished by a political creed and by subserviency to Thomas Jefferson's will, against another class who considered him as depriving them of rights guaranteed by the constitution, with no other motive than to aid Napoleon to enforce his continental system. The House of Representatives very properly inquired into this alarming use of power;-and resolved, that these orders were irregular, illegal, and inconsistent with the principles of the constitution; tending to the destruction of military discipline; an infringement of the rights and derogatory to the honor of both officers and sol

diers; subversive of the militia system, and highly dangerous to the liberties of the people.

The legality of this measure and its effect can best be comprehended, by imagining selected bodies of militia to be placed at the disposal of President Jackson's collectors of ports; and by imagining, that these bodies might be called into action against the citizens, whenever these collectors might be of opinion, that their agency was necessary in maintaining the majesty of the President's will!

LETTER LIII.

NOVEMBER 10, 1833.

THE experience hitherto had under our republican institutions clearly shows, that the only possible mode of preserving these institutions is to awaken the whole community to the progress of usurpation, and to rely on the people to save themselves. The Jeffersonian delusion had taken such absolute control over the reason of a majority of the nation, that there was no hope of dispelling it. But this was otherwise in some of the states, and so proved to be in Massachusetts. The effect of the embargo and the tyrannical measures adopted to enforce it, the poverty and distress which were daily increasing, compelled the citizens to investigate causes, and to think for themselves. They were able to distinguish between the real friends and supporters of constitutional policy, and those who pretended to be such.

In April, 1809, Christopher Gore was supported by the federalists for the office of governor, and was elected. He is the same citizen who is mentioned in Mr. Jefferson's fourth volume, as one of the most eminent of the monarchists and Anglomen. The people of Massachusetts, among whom he may be presumed

to have been better known than he could have been to Mr. Jefferson, did not so regard him. Whether Mr. Jefferson was right, or whether Mr. Gore was a political hypocrite, may depend, in part, on the impression which the following extract from his speech to the legislature may make. It was delivered on the 7th of June, 1809.

"Educated at a time when the principles of civil liberty were investigated and discussed by the sages and heroes who conceived and accomplished our glorious revolution, my strongest and earliest impressions were in favor of that well-regulated freedom, which is secured by our excellent constitution. An absence of eight years in the service of our common country, by the opportunity it afforded of remarking the circumstances of other nations, served to confirm, and, if possible, to increase the respect and reverence I had previously imbibed for the civil and religious institutions of my native state. A comparison of our condition. with that of any other people, must convince every one of the enviable situation in which we are placed, and of the superior means afforded to us, for enjoying all the blessings of which social life is capable.

"To adopt a rule, that no man is to be selected for office, unless he be of the particular sect or party of those who administer the government, or subscribe to their political creed, is to establish a principle, not only not recognized by, but directly repugnant to the constitution. It is, moreover, highly unjust to the people, as it narrows the choice for office, and may frequently exclude from their service the purest integrity, the highest capabilities, and the best dispositions. It is considering government as instituted, not for the common good, but for the exclusive advantage of an association or party of men.

"The history of the United States, and of this state, has ever shown Massachusetts submitting with cheerfulness to the most important sacrifices, for supporting the common cause and general interests of the Union; and this without the smallest disposition to dictate to the other members of the confederacy. Un

der the distressing circumstances of the last year, the legislature did what duty rendered indispensable, and surely they did no more."

Extract from the answer of the House of Representatives.

"We feel sincere pleasure in the assurance of the observance, on the part of your Excellency, of those great fundamental principles of the constitution, and of all republican governments, which ought never to have been denied in argument, nor violated in practice. We rejoice in a recurrence to the first principles of the social compact; that all power resides in the whole people; that government is instituted for their 'protection, safety, prosperity, and happiness,' and 'not for the profit, honor, or private interest of any one man, family, or class of men ;' in short, that offices of honor or emolument are not intended to strengthen the hands of party, but to promote the public good. They ought not to be bestowed as bribes, to induce or reward political fidelity or apostacy; but to place the public interest in the charge of men, whose principles and feelings secure their interest in its support."

In this political year, commencing the last Wednesday in May, 1809, among the names which appear in the executive and legislative departments, are the following:

CHRISTOPHER GORE, Governor; DAVID COBB, Lieutenant Governor; Edward H. Robbins, Artemas Ward, Thomas Dwight, Ephraim Spooner, Prentiss Mellen, Oliver Fiske, Nathaniel DumWilliam Prescott, Daniel Dewey, members of the Executive

Council.

Harrison Gray Otis, President of the Senate, William Spooner, John Phillips, Peter C. Brooks, John Welles, Suffolk Senators; and a majority in that branch, of men of like character.

Timothy Bigelow, Speaker of the House. Among the members who represented Boston, were William Brown, William Phillips, Daniel Sargent, Benjamin Russell, John Parker, Joseph Head, Charles Jackson, William H. Sumner, Daniel Massenger, Warren Dutton, John T. Apthorp, and twenty-six others of like