LETTER LXIV.

JANUARY 13, 1834.

IN the course of the summer of 1812, there was some reason to hope, that Mr. Madison had become sufficiently unpopular by his war measures, to lose a re-election. De Witt Clinton was then a person of some distinction in the state of New York. He had expressed his detestation of mobocracy, and had been reprimanded for it in a government paper. Although he had been ranked with the Jeffersonian school, yet, as he had indicated his dissatisfaction with the policy of Mr. Madison, it was hoped that he might be elected President. Any man that could have been elected, would have been thought by the federalists preferable to Mr. Madison. This party were willing to combine with any portion of the citizens, who were willing to withdraw from the support of that gentleman. They felt that any change must be for the better.

Measures were taken to hold a convention in the city of New York, in the month of September, 1812. No convention was ever assembled from more pure and patriotic motives, nor any, whose members were more worthy and respectable, as men and citizens. Many of them had filled exalted stations, and were afterwards honored with high confidence by their fellow-citizens and by executive appointment. If this page should ever fall under the eye of any surviving member of that assembly, it may remind him of the solemnity and dignity of the proceedings then had; he can answer for himself for the purity and patriotism of his own motives; he will remember the fervent eloquence there displayed; and the dreadful apprehensions then entertained for the fate of his country.

This convention continued three days. It resolved on supporting De Witt Clinton, as the best chance of defeating Mr. Madi

son's election. This measure was adopted with reluctance by some who were present. They could not overcome the repugnance which they felt to supporting Mr. Clinton; there were others who feared that he had not strength and popularity enough in his own state to be successful. A large majority of the convention, however, determined on making the proper effort to elect him. All the New England States, (except Vermont,) New York, New Jersey, Delaware, Tennessee and Louisiana voted for Mr. Clinton, and five votes out of eleven in Maryland, were given for him; eighty-nine in all. Mr. Madison had one hundred and twenty-eight; making a difference of thirty-nine. But the Pennsylvania votes (twenty-one in number) having been rejected, the majority was reduced to eighteen. It is supposed, that with a better management, and with a candidate more attractive than Mr. Clinton may have been, Mr. Madison's election might have been defeated. Under almost any other President the war would have been much shortened; and the people of the United States might have escaped a portion of their distress, and have saved many millions, expended almost for the only purpose of producing it.*

* In connection with this convention, I cannot forbear recording an anecdote of the eloquence exhibited on the occasion, by the Hon. Harrison Gray Otis, although that gentleman is among the honored few, who still live to rejoice, that many of their worst fears have not been realized, with regard to this country and her institutions. This anecdote was related by my father, the author of these letters, and I shall repeat it in his own words, as near as I can recall them.

"Soon after the war had been declared, I chanced to be at Saratoga Springs, where I met with the Hon. Calvin Goddard, of Norwich, Connecticut, and with Hon. Jon. Dwight, of Springfield, Mass. Gov. Griswold, of Conn., was also at the hotel, but confined to his chamber. It was the habit of these two gentlemen and myself, to pay the Governor a daily visit; and when he announced himself too ill to receive us, we strolled into the neighboring woods, to talk over the state of the Union, respecting the welfare and durability of which, we entertained serious and painful fears. On one of these excursions, it was concluded, that a convention should be convened at New York during the following September, at which as many states should be represented as could be induced to send delegates. The object of this convention was, to determine upon the expediency of defeating Mr. Madison's re-election, by running De Witt Clinton as the opposing candidate for the

This convention consisted of seventy members. There were from Vermont, two; from New Hampshire, two; from Massachusetts, eight; from Rhode Island, three; from New York, eighteen; from Connecticut, six; from New Jersey, twelve; from Pennsylvania, ten; from Delaware, two; from Maryland, three; from South Carolina, four.

LETTER LXV.

JANUARY 15, 1834.

intended to follow out the naval These will be found in history

As before remarked, it is not and military events of the war. already written, which, like other history, delights to show when and how mortals have butchered each other. When war exists,

Presidency. Goddard was intrusted with the state of Connecticut; Dwight with New York, and I was to awaken Massachusetts to the importance of this convention; while all three were to assist in arousing the other states. The convention met at New York, in September, and eleven states were represented by seventy delegates. The convention, during two days, had been unable to come to any determination, and on the third day were about dissolving without any fixed plan of operation. Hon. Rufus King had pronounced the most impassioned invective against Clinton, and was so excited during his address, that his knees trembled under him. Gouverneur Morris doubted much the expediency of the measure, and was seconded in these doubts by Theod. Sedgwick, as well as by Judge Hopkinson. (Now deceased.) Many of the members were desirous of returning to Philadelphia by the steamboat, at 2 o'clock P. M., of the third day. It was approaching the hour and nothing had been determined, when Mr. Otis arose, apparently much embarrassed, holding his hat in his hand, and seeming as if he were almost sorry he had arisen. Soon he warmed with his subject, his hat fell from his hand, and he poured forth a strain of eloquence that chained all present to their seats, and when, at a late hour, the vote was taken, it was almost unanimously resolved to support Clinton. This effort was unprepared, but only proves how entirely Mr. Otis deserves the reputation he enjoys of being a great orator."

those who are to do the fighting are not much concerned with the right and the wrong of the matter. Those who originate the war, from whatsoever cause, know, that to carry it on and fight the battles is resolved into patriotism; and that whoever is opposed to it is, of course, a traitor.

There were disasters, and some reprehensible measures, on the part of those to whom the belligerent duties were assigned. But there were, also, some brilliant achievements on land and on the ocean, and especially on the latter. The navy fought itself into credit and renown, at home and abroad; and has most deservedly been, ever since, a favorite with the nation.

But the war went on heavily, as a whole. The navy was not of sufficient magnitude to form a fleet, excepting on the lakes; the regular army had some fine officers, and some who were of other descriptions. The rank and file were such, probably, as other armies are made up of; but they were new in their occupation, and few of them had ever seen a battle when they enlisted. The militia were as good as such forces are ever expected to be at repelling invasion; and not better than might be expected in the serious employment of conquest.

Meanwhile the liberation of the experienced soldiery of England, from European contests, permitted them to appear on our shores; and our gallant little navy was incompetent to meet a foe on salt water, except sometimes in single ships.

As was foreseen, the treasury was soon exhausted. Almost every form of taxation was resorted to. It soon came to the necessity of issuing paper money from the treasury, which was called exchequer bills. These rapidly depreciated and fell to twenty per cent. below their nominal value. Capitalists would not lend money to carry on the war which they considered unnecessary and ruinous; and they were severely reproached because they would not. The enemy were now strong enough with fleets, to blockade all the great ports of the continent; and had troops enough to harass the whole sea coast, from the British Provinces to the Mississippi. That great resource which "the

gentleman from Massachusetts" (as Mr. Randolph said) relied on, was not found so effectual as had been anticipated. "Privateering" was not much approved of, and but few engaged in it. But few of those who did so engage grew rich from their adven

tures.

Thus, in less than two years, Mr. Madison and his co-patriots had reduced this whole country to a state of misery and degradation, much resembling that which it experienced at the close of the revolutionary war.

In this state of things, bereft as the administration was of the confidence of the country, and absolutely bankrupt in resources, a measure was devised to command men, for naval and land service, which is as unconstitutional and as abhorrent to the feelings of the citizens, as the condition of our rulers was desperate. Mr. Madison directed his Secretary of State, (and Secretary of War pro tem. on dismissing incompetent men in that office,) Mr. Monroe, to propose to Congress a system of impressment, more odious than was ever known in England, and a conscription, more shocking than had ever been experienced in France. It seems to have been no objection, in the minds of these gentlemen, that their system would have demolished by one and the same blow, the personal rights of the citizen, the rights of property, and the provisions for the security of these, in the constitutions, both state and national. The true character of this measure is disclosed in "Dwight's History of the Hartford Convention," pages 311-336. Every American citizen ought to study this, to know what the rulers of a republic can sometimes dare to do. The Congress of that day, submissive as it was to the will of the Executive, or submissive as the Executive may have been to its will, (as the truth may be,) had not the hardihood to give to this proposal the form of law; though it came near to that point.

Congress was called together by the President, on the 19th of September (1814). The message disclosed the deplorable state of the country, as to credit and force to carry on the war, and called on Congress to exert all its energies. Congress inquired