Hancock was not supposed to be a man of great intellectual force by nature; his early engagements in political life, and the scenes in which he was conversant, called for the exercise of

his powers only in the public service. He was so placed, as not to have had occasion to display the force of his mind in that service, so as to enable those of the present day to judge of it, excepting in his communications to the legislature. There is one exception. He delivered an oration on the massacre of March 5, 1770.

If history has any proper concern with the individual qualities of Hancock, it may be doubtful whether, in these respects, distant generations will know exactly what manner of man he was. But as a public man, this country is greatly indebted to him. He was most faithfully devoted to the cause of his country, and it is a high eulogy on his patriotism, that when the British government offered pardon to all the rebels, for all their offences, Hancock and one other (Samuel Adams) were the only persons to whom this grace was denied.

LETTER V.

FEB. 1, 1833.

ONE who has been a careful observer of political events for a course of years, well knows, that it is in these, as it is in private life, in this respect :-sometimes seeming evil results in good; and seeming good, earnestly desired and labored for, turns to evil. This may be shown in the occurrences just mentioned. Hancock's resignation, Bowdoin's election, his defeat at the third election (1787), and Hancock's re-election, were respectively considered at the time, by the best informed men, as public misfortunes. But if Hancock had not resigned, the rebellion, pro

bably, would not have been suppressed. The war would have extended to other states, and we might now have been in the like condition with that of the Spanish provinces in South America. If Hancock had not been elected in 1787, it is doubtful whether the federal constitution would have been adopted in this state; and if it had been rejected in Massachusetts, such was the respect in which this state was then held, it cannot be supposed that other states would have done differently from this. If the union of the states had not then been effected, it seems to have been admitted, that there was no hope of agreeing on any other mode of accomplishing this object; and none, that the old confederation would long have held the states united.

When Hancock succeeded Bowdoin, all the causes of the rebellion still continued. Taxes were exceedingly burdensome, and means for payment wholly inadequate. Commerce was conducted to great disadvantage, and mostly in British vessels. The importations were of articles which the sensible men of the day considered to be, in part, unnecessary, and in part worse than useless; and not to be had without draining the country of specie. But in the course of this year the aspect of affairs changed in some degree; and inspired hopes that difficulties might be surmounted. The fear of new commotions died away. The courts were no more impeded. Nine of the insurgents were tried, and condemned; some of them escaped from prison, some were pardoned; one only was punished by commuting the punishment of death to that of imprisonment to hard labor. No blood was shed by the civil authority. Public peace and confidence in the government being restored, the natural energy of New England men was turned to objects of industry. About this time, with a view to aid domestic manufactures, and to prevent importations, the state took an interest in establishing a duck manufactory in Boston, and a cotton manufactory in Beverly. For some reason, both these efforts proved abortive. The manufacture of pot and pearl ashes was much encouraged, and these became the most important article of export.

In 1788, Governor Hancock was re-elected with somewhat more of opposition than in the preceding election. When the legislature assembled, he was too much indisposed to make the customary speech. He sent a written message, which is probably the first instance of a communication in that form, at the opening of a session.

In this political year there are some things worth noticing. Hancock made a persuasive appeal to the legislature, to provide by law for public schools, and for suitable instruction. Notwithstanding the general poverty and distress, laws were enacted, and carried into effect. Ability to establish the means of education, indispensable to a healthy state of society, and to the preservation of a republican government, are now abundant; but in proportion to the increase of this ability, solicitude to apply it profitably seems to have decreased. It is a just ground of complaint, that the interests of education, so far as they are confided to the care of the state, are not sufficiently regarded.

In 1788, Benjamin Lincoln, who commanded the troops in the rebellion, was chosen lieutenant-governor. He had acquired the highest respect and esteem, not only on that occasion, but for his services in the revolutionary war. It is not easy to assign the true cause for Hancock's treatment of Lincoln. At that time, Castle William, now Fort Independence, belonged to the state. The perquisites of the command at this place, were equal to an annual salary of one thousand dollars. The lieutenant-governor had always been appointed to this command, and had received no other compensation than these perquisites. Hancock did not give the command to Lincoln, but exercised it himself, and actually resided at the castle, whenever it suited his convenience. The reason for not appointing Lincoln was not disclosed; and there was no reason apparent to the public. It can be accounted for only by knowing what opinions and feelings Hancock could entertain, and how pertinaciously he could adhere to them. The legislature interposed, and requested to know why Lincoln was not appointed to the command of the castle. Hancock evaded

the inquiry, and intimated, that he was himself the proper judge of the time when the appointment was to be made. The legislature provided a salary and the appointment was not made. This conduct materially affected Hancock's popularity, but not to the extent of defeating his election in the ensuing year. Something may be inferred of the true character of Hancock from this transaction; for no man could be more deserving of confidence and respect, in public, and in private, than Lincoln. Hancock's motives can only be conjectured.

In 1789, President Washington visited the eastern states. He travelled in a post-chaise with four horses; he was accompanied by Major Jackson, official secretary, and by Tobias Lear, his private secretary; and attended by his famous man Billy, who makes a conspicuous figure in the forged letters. A disagreement arose between the Governor and the Town's Committee, to which of them belonged the honor of receiving the President at the line of the town. From this cause there was a long delay, during which the President was exposed to a raw northeast wind, by which exposure he was visited by a severe cold. Many other persons were exposed and affected in like manner, and the affection became so general as to be called the Washington influenza. He came in on horseback, dressed in his old continental uniform, with his hat off. He did not bow to the spectators as he passed, but sat on his horse with a calm dignified air. He dismounted at the Old State House, now City Hall, and came out on a temporary balcony at the west end; a long procession passed before him, whose salutations he occasionally returned. A triumphal arch was erected across the street at that place, and a choir of singers was stationed there. When Washington came within hearing, he was saluted by the clear, powerful voice of Daniel Rea, who began the ode prepared for the occasion: "The conquering Hero comes."

Hancock, with some feeling of state rights, had taken the position that, as the representative of sovereignty in his own dominion, he was to be visited first, even by the President; who, on Hancock's own ground, is the representative of sovereignty of all the states,

wheresoever he may be within their limits. The President was made to understand that Hancock expected the first visit. This was not deemed proper by the President. A negotiation ensued. It ended in a refusal on the part of the President to see Hancock, unless at his own place of abode, which was at the house at the corner of Court and Tremont Streets. The delay was afterwards imputed to Hancock's personal debility. On the second or third day, Hancock went in his coach, enveloped in red baize, to Washington's lodgings, and was borne in the arms of servants into the house.

The President remained here about a week, and partook of a public dinner, dined with the Governor, and attended an oratorio in King's Chapel, on which occasion he was dressed in black. On his departure for Portsmouth, he showed his regard for punctuality. He gave notice that he should depart at eight o'clock in the morning. He left the door at the moment. The escort not being ready, he went without them; they followed, and overtook on the way.

him

LETTER VI.

FEB. 4, 1833.

IN 1774, at the suggestion of Massachusetts, a congress of delegates assembled at Philadelphia. This assembly conducted the affairs of the United States during the war until the year 1781. It was commonly called "The Congress." It was one body, and exercised legislative and executive power; and acted in the name of the states, in the negotiations with all foreign powers. In 1781, the several states adopted articles of confederation, intended to vest such powers in The Congress as were then deemed necessary; but they amounted to no more than power to recommend to the