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1794; (founded on Mr. Jefferson's report.) This gentleman had disclosed similar views on the subject of tonnage duty, at the first Congress. The debate was long and acrimonious. The feelings of the House, and the character of the debate, may be judged of from this incident: Mr. Ames said, the resolutions had French stamped on the very face of them.

Josiah Parker, of Virginia, replied, that he wished there was a stamp on every forehead, to designate whether he was for France or Britain.

The two parties were so nearly balanced in the House of Representatives, that measures, deeply affecting the permanent interests of the United States, might be settled by majorities not exceeding five. In the Senate, the Vice President had, repeatedly, to settle the most important questions by his casting vote. An act to cut off all intercourse with Great Britain, passed the House by a small majority; in the Senate its fate depended on the casting vote of the Vice President, who voted against it.

Inquiry into the official conduct of Hamilton, as Secretary of the Treasury, was renewed at this session. Mr. Giles, Mr. Monroe, Mr. Venable, all Virginians, and all of them personal enemies of the Secretary, conducted the inquiry with the utmost scrutiny; but their efforts, even in these bitterest times of party, were unavailing. The result was most honorable to the Secretary.

The great subjects suggested in the President's message, and in official reports, at the early part of the session, were under consideration in the two branches, from the beginning of January to the 16th of April. The French excitement could rise no higher among the people. They insisted that the friends of France should declare themselves by wearing the national cockade. They insisted, too, on war against England: and that every motive of self-respect, and justice, forbade a moment's delay; while every motive of gratitude to the nation which had made us free, and were now struggling to maintain their own freedom, demanded all our aid. In the two branches of Congress the war

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of words disclosed a state of feeling which the decorum of the place hardly restrained from full expression.

We live now in times of some interest; and which ought to be far more interesting than they are. No one, not old enough to remember the state of feeling at that time, can have any conception, from what is now experienced, of the intense excitement which then prevailed.

LETTER XV.

MARCH 9, 1833.

In this state of things, Congress, and the whole country, were brought to a sudden pause, by the appointment of John Jay, then Chief Justice of the United States, to be Envoy Extraordinary to Great Britain. This was an unexpected blow to the French party. As soon as they could rally, the administration was attacked, not only for the measure itself, that is, opening a negotiation at all, but especially, that the President should have nominated such a man as John Jay, and furthermore, a judicial officer. It may be some relief in recurring to these dry and forgotten facts, to state what is recollected of the personal appearance and conduct of Mr. Jay.

Soon after Mr. Jay's appointment to the office of Chief Justice, he came to Boston to hold a court. As now remembered, his personal appearance indicated his origin. He was descended from one of the French Protestant families, usually called Huguenots. This name, which is of uncertain derivation, was, like Puritans, given to a certain class of Christians. It will be recollected that in 1598, when Henry IV. fought his way to the crown, he issued the edict of Nantz, by which he assured to all his Protestant subjects, the rights and privileges enjoyed by those

who were Catholics. In 1685, this edict was revoked by Louis XIV.; at the instigation, it is said, of one of his female favorites, who had great power over him.

The Huguenots escaped from France, and carried with them skill, talents, industry and property, and established themselves in different parts of Europe. Many families found their way to America in the course of time. France is supposed to have lost, by persecution and emigration, a million of its best subjects. Mr. Jay's family came over, and settled in New York. He was born in this country. He was forty-four years of age when appointed Chief Justice in 1790. His height was a little less than six feet; his person rather thin, but well formed. His complexion was without color, his eyes black and penetrating, his nose aquiline, and his chin pointed. His hair came over his forehead, was tied behind, and lightly powdered. His dress black. The expression of his face was exceedingly amiable. When standing, he was a little inclined forward, as is not uncommon with students long accustomed to bend over a table. His manner was very gentle, and unassuming. This impression of him was renewed in 1795, in New York. He had returned from his mission to England in that year, and had been chosen Governor of New York, which office he assumed in July. He was then about fifty, (December, 1795.) His deportment was tranquil and unassuming; and one who had met him, not knowing who he was, would not have been led to suppose, that he was in the presence of one eminently gifted by nature with intellectual power, and who had sustained so many offices of high trust and honor. About six years after this time, he retired from public life, and almost from the world, and passed the remainder of his days at the family estate at West Chester. He took no part in political affairs, and was not publicly heard of, except in two or three instances, when he answered inquiries concerning facts within his knowledge.

History will assign to John Jay an elevated rank among the great; not only so, it will place him equally high among the pure

and the virtuous. Throughout his useful and honorable life, he was governed by the dictates of an enlightened Christian conscience. He thought and acted under the conviction, that there is an accountability far more serious than any which men can have to their fellow men. The bravest soldiers, and the worthiest statesmen, have ever been those who believed in such accountability.

Other events of the year 1794 remain to be mentioned. Congress adjourned June 9th, in very ill humor. In February before, Mr. Fauchet had arrived as minister from France, having with him two associates, or counsellors, of consular rank. The French government requested the recall of Mr. G. Morris, who had taken no pains to conceal his disapprobation of the revolutionary proceedings. This was complied with, and Mr. Monroe, to whom no such objection could be made, was his successor.

In August, 1794, the whisky rebellion had taken so serious a character in Pennsylvania, that an army was formed, composed of volunteers from that state, and detachments of militia from New Jersey, Maryland, and Virginia. The Governor (Mifflin) exerted himself very honorably on this occasion; and took command of the troops of his state. The Governor of New Jersey commanded the troops of that state. Those of Maryland and Virginia, as well as the others, were under command of General Henry Lee, then Governor of Virginia. When these troops had assembled at two respective places of encampment, Washington visited them, and directed Hamilton to accompany them to the West. The insurgents did not venture to meet this force; and the rebellion ceased without conflict. Two individuals were tried and convicted, and afterwards pardoned. No further opposition was then made to the excise law. It is supposed that this rebellion was instigated by some men of intelligence and influence; but there is no such certainty of this as would justify the mention of names.

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During this year the democratic societies, or Jacobin Clubs, had extended themselves over the whole country, and took a most

active and offensive part against the administration. They assumed that "the people" had the right to dictate to the government the measures to be pursued; and that they were "the people." These societies were attacked in various ways from the press and otherwise; sometimes by severe reproach, and sometimes by satire. They gradually became odious, and disappeared.

In 1794 the celebrated Talleyrand was in the United States. He had been required to leave England. In July and August he was in Boston. His personal appearance was as remarkable as his character. His height was above middle stature, hair light, complexion sallow, eyes blue; mouth wide and far from handsome. His body was large, and protuberant in front, his lower limbs remarkably small and his feet deformed. He declined. speaking English, whether he could, or not. He may have been ' about forty years of age. The expression of his face was tranquil, and his manner that of a cool observer. Little is known of what he did observe, except from a small publication which he made on his return to France.* No man lives who has seen a greater variety of fortune. The world would be his debtor, if he should bestow upon it his knowledge of the secret springs of political events. This is not to be expected. He will probably withdraw with little solicitude as to what is said, or done, believed or discredited, after he is gone.†

At the close of the year, 1794, General Knox resigned his

It is entitled, Memoir concerning the Commercial Relations of the United States and England; by citizen Talleyrand, read at the National Institute; 15 Messidor year V.

While in this country on a visit to the city of New York, Talleyrand frequently dined at the table of a lady, but lately deceased. She described him as having been lame, possessing an intelligent countenance, with long light hair, parted in the centre of his forehead, and a very expressive eye. He would sometimes, during dinner, rest both of his elbows on the table, supporting his face between his hands, and carry on a conversation with his mouth so full that he could scarcely articulate. She also said, that he would oftentimes cut up all the meat on his plate into small pieces, press piece after piece upon his fork until the prongs were full, then thrust it into his mouth, and closing his teeth, pull at the fork until it left every piece in his capacious jaws.

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