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edifying of the people, and for the advancement of true religion;” but the reformers were also admonished “to stay and quiet themselves, as men content to follow authority, and not enterprising to run before, and so by their rashness become the greatest hinderers.” In the meantime were issued three" several proclamations, the first concerning “the irreverent talkers of the sacrament,” the second “for the abstaining from flesh in the Lent time,” the third “against such as innovate any ceremony, or preach without license,” all of them calculated to restrain the impetuosity of the reformers, but none of them preventing the gradual removal of ancient errors, and the first of them tending, as was probably designed, to prepare the way for more just conceptions of the doctrine of the real presence. The order of the communion itself, though it introduced no new principle into the service of the church, was so constructed' as to bring in a more correct practice in the matter of confession, and to lead to improved opinions respecting the nature of the sacramental elements. But though the more prominent acts of the government were designed to allay the alarms of the Romanists, other measures were taken to advance the cause of the reformation, by promoting more spiritual views of faith and practice. Besides the visitation appointed to inquire into and amend the state of religion throughout the kingdom, Erasmus' Paraphrase of the New Testament wastranslated into English, and being directed by authority to be placed" openly in the churches, together with the English Bible, laid a foundation for the general exercise of private judgment, which was opposed in its principles, and fatal in its consequences, to the ancient system. The spirit of inquiry thus powerfully excited was encouraged by the publication of a Book of Homilies, in which the great points of faith and justification were interpreted according to the new learning, and by the circulation of Tracts translated from the principal works of the foreign reformers. The communication with those eminent men, which had been opened in the first instance at the desire and for the private purposes of Henry, and had been discontinued, from a mutual feeling of distrust, during the latter portion of his reign, was resumed" at the death of that prince, and soon carried to the greatest possible extent. Hooper, Horne, Cox, Traheron, and others, who became conspicuous in the history of the English church, were frequent correspondents, and some of them intimate friends, of Bullinger" and the reformers of Zurich; Bucer wrote a
* Cranmer's Works, App. vol. IV. pp. 342, &c. Wilkins' Conc. vol. IV. pp. 18, 20, 21.
Burnet, Hist. Ref. vol. II. p. 138.
m Wilkins' Conc. vol. IV. p. 4.
* For instance; Melancthon writes to Camerarius, Ep. 77.l. an. 1549, scripsi de Hispano nostro ad regem Anglicum et ad Cantuariensem. Ep. 780. an. 1550, ego rursus in Angliam vocor. Ep. 783. an. 1550, Alesii litteras scriptas ad regem Anglicumet ad Cantuariensem hodie trado nuncio, una cum meis perferendas. Ep. 813. an. 1553. regiis litteris vocor in Angliam, quae scriptae sunt mense Maio. Postea secuta est mors nobilissimi adolescentis.
° In the letters of the reformers preserved at Zurich is frequent mention of the accordance of the English with Bullinger in matters of doctrine. Traheron writes to him in Aug. 1548, de consensu Anglorum praecipuorum cum Tigurinis per omnia etiam in coenae causa. Hooper in Dec. 1549, de coena omnes Angli recte sentiunt. Burcher in April 1550 says, salva erit Anglia ex obitu Fagii et Buceri : and again in Nov., rex avide Bullingeri litteras et librum sibi inscriptum recepit. Hooper says in Feb. 1550, Coxus Bullingerum magni facit. Micronius in May 1550, Cranmero Bullingeri nomen gratum. Cox