then, a period, say thirty years, from the death of Antonine to the reign of Severus, left to conjecture as to the time of their first settling at Caerleon. If it be conceded that their station was taken up in this interval, considerable light, amounting almost to positive truth, will be thrown on the history of Lucius' conversion, as well as a reconciliation of the general tradition.

Usher has cited a great number of authorities as to the year of the mission to Rome, varying from A.D. 137 to 199, most of them, however, agreeing that it was in the latter half of the century. If this be correct, the concession already asked for is not wanted, as it connects us immediately with the ascertained fact of the time when the legion was actually at Caerleon, or, at all events, very near it. The object, the reader will observe, is to connect the conversion of Lucius with the settlement of this legion.

If Welsh pedigrees be allowed to have a voice in the matter, we approach still nearer to certainty; and the writer sees no reason why their authority should be rejected, especially when it is considered that, by comparing their dates with the general voice of antiquity, an agreement is found, as is the case in the present instance. Thus, in ancient pedigrees, Lucius is placed in the third generation after Caractacus. This, then, would be A.D. 160. But this is exactly the average of the various dates assigned by the various writers enumerated by Usher. Surely there must be some truth in this remarkable, and no one will call it intentional, coincidence. Usher never saw these pedigrees, otherwise he would have adduced them as witnesses. On the other hand, the writers of the pedigrees never saw Usher, for they were written long before his time.

Let the reader, however, take the matter in what light he pleases. Let him trace, as is here done, the progress of the legio secunda throughout the island, with a view of ascertaining its settlement at Caerleon-on-Usk. Let him then ascertain, by reference to those authorities cited by Usher, the year of Lucius' conversion. Let him compare the average of these with the account given in the Welsh genealogies, allowing thirty years, the usual period, to each generation, and he will find that it is difficult to arrive at any other conclusion than a coincidence between the time of Lucius' conversion and the first settlement of the legion at Caerleon-namely, a coincidence so far as it is possible for things to coincide at so remote a period of ancient history. Now, what does this coincidence imply? Why, simply thisthat the legion was the instrument through which Lucius was converted— that it accounts for the truth of the mission to Rome—that it will explain a dark point in history-and so far soften down the extravagance of Roman writers, as to induce protestants not to reject it altogether as a mere fable. Which may be shewn in this way :

Lucius was a chieftain of that part of Wales known afterwards by the name of Gwent and Morganwg. This comprised Caerleon-onUsk. About this period, from A.D. 160 to A.D. 190, the supposed time of Lucius's conversion, and the settlement of the legion at Caerleon, the Roman armies were recruited with many Christians. The well-known story of the Thundering Legion proves, if not a miracle,

at all events, the fact of Christians being employed as soldiers. These Christians, when settled in an idolatrous country, would be anxious, from the nature of their religion, to propagate the faith. They would begin, then, in their immediate neighbourhood. By degrees the leaven would spread, and at length reach the ears of Lucius, the petty chieftain, whose residence could not be far from Caerleon. This may be proved from the circumscribed locality of the four churches dedicated to the four saints, who played so conspicuous a part in the history of King Lucius-namely, Medwy and Elwy, Dyvan and Fagan. For if the extent of their sphere had been wider, local tradition would have assigned to it a wider influence, as also a wider extent of kingdom to King Lucius. The truth having in this casual manner reached the ears of the king, he would, perhaps, apply to the Roman soldiers personally for further enlightenment, and a more substantial knowledge of the tidings he had heard of. These were private men, lay Christians, people not much acquainted with the fundamentals of Christianity, just like the officers and privates of the household troops in the nineteenth century, though a little more earnest in their professions than the latter are, speaking generally. They would, however, advise him to send messengers by the next convoy that left the Severn for Rome, to consult their bishop in the eternal city. Tradition says that he sent two natives, Medwy and Elwy. Eleutherius, being a wise and good man, was rejoiced to find that a chieftain from a remote and barbarous country had sent to him for admission into the faith. He determined that two missionary priests should start on this journey, Dyvan and Fagan. But, first of all, let us follow the tradition whereever we can; knowing what an advantage it would be to have native teachers, understanding and speaking the native tongue, he set about teaching Medwy and Elwy the principles of Christianity. When this was done, they were baptized, and (the tradition again) they were ordained into the ministry. They return to Britain. Lucius is satisfied. The truth takes possession of him, and he and his whole family are baptized by Fagan, Dyvan, Medwy, and Elwy. Hence the germ of that which has been the wonder of Christendom—a king and his whole kingdom converted to the faith.

This late introduction of Christianity, be it remembered, is applicable only to Wales; for the fact is certain that Christianity was in the British isles previous to the close of the first century.

If, then, it be objected that, as Christianity was in the island some time previous, it is probable, therefore, it would have had an earlier transmit from east to west, and that, consequently, in the conversion of Lucius we are not indebted to Rome at all; a sufficient answer to this appears to be the inaccessible and turbulent state of the principality, the long war with the Silures who were not nominally subdued till A.D. 76, by Julius Frontinus-one must use the word nominally -as it was nothing else; for had they been finally subdued the presence of the legion at Caerleon would not have been required a century afterwards, the absence of this legion, as has been seen, in the north of the island till after the building of the Vallum Antoninum, as also

the improbability of Christians being soldiers much previous to the time under consideration; granting that the legion, as Camden says, settled at Caerleon under Julius Frontinus, which, (by the way, Camden cannot prove,) all these circumstances combined render it almost impossible for Christianity to have entered Siluria previous to the time here assigned to it. Besides, there is another fact, and one which must have weight-namely, the almost incredibly slow progress of Christianity in Wales during the first four centuries.

This consideration must diminish the weight, if any, attached to the previous objection. For there is a tradition current in the Principality, authenticated by Dr. O. Pughe, and confirmed by a triad, whose antiquity cannot be doubted, that Brychan, a chieftain of Brecknockshire, living within a few miles of Lucius, did educate and bring up his children to teach the nation of the Cymri, who were without the faith. This Brychan, Mr. Williams says, died A.D. 450, in which the pedigrees bear him out-that is, two hundred years after the conversion of his neighbour Lucius. Surely, then, this slow progress of the Gospel is incompatible with any weight which might attach itself to the foregoing objection. At the present day the writer knows of nothing that can be compared with it, saving the advance of Christianity in India. The circumstances, too, are not anomalous. There are many things in Druidism not very dissimilar to Hindooism, and it is well known what a barrier this is to the progress of the Gospel. Besides, let it be remembered that in those days there were none of the advantageous elements which we now possess to forward Christianity. The Druidical priests had full possession of the vulgar mind. They swayed it as they pleased. The Romans, it is true, endeavoured with all their might to put Druidism down. But the connexion which the legends concerning Taliesin, the chief Druid, obtain in reference to the wilds of Cardiganshire, proves very clearly how little was their success, even as far down as the latter half of the sixth century, and consequently tell as much for the slow progress of Christianity. It cannot be questioned that Druidism had lost but very little of its old leaven in this part of the Principality at this period. Taliesin may have died a Christian, but the writer doubts much if ever he was born so, or even lived half his time as such. These things may be grating to our feelings as Christians, but there is no remedy for it. They must be known. An impartial review of the state of the Principality at this period will, it is certain, lead the inquirer after truth to no other conclusion. It is therefore absurd, not to say sinful, to represent the church in the Principality "as a grand national establishment," "independent of the church of Rome in all ages," self-constituted, and self-ruled. That she was independent of Rome for a long period is certain; but then let us have her real condition at that period. Let us not deceive confiding strangers, lest one of them, more wily than the rest, should examine, judge for himself, and finding her otherwise, should lose all sympathy for her, and leave her in a worse plight (if possible) than she was before, and Mr. Williams knows well what that is. It does, moreover, suit the hour well to talk about " catholicity" and "catholic times."

It

panders to the craving appetite of a misguided public; it flatters the fancies of deluded young ladies, and still more deluded young men, who feed on golden crosses and cross keys. But though too many persons are found ready enough to glut the public mind with these symbols and this talk about an imaginary catholicity, the writer, on the other hand, as a Welshman, begs leave, at the same time, to protest against their application to the church in his country. We have always been, and, please God, always shall be, in some shape or other, a protesting church. And never have we been more earnest than we are now in protesting against this recent attempt to shorten the interval between ourselves and the modern, prevailing, and, we almost fear, overwhelming, species of lunacy.

III. "There can be no doubt," says Mr. Williams, "that baptism in Britain was always well done and according unto order in regard to the minister, in matter and in words." "For," adds he, by way of clenching the argument, "the decree of Cyllin, which authorized the imposition of names in infancy, can hardly refer to any other circumstance." This has been answered already; it is therefore unnecessary to notice it further. But it is a lamentable fact to think that these matters are not "well done" now. Has Mr. Williams never buried a child baptised by a dissenter? Did he ever hear of a parish in the Principality where not less than one-half were baptized by dissenters ? Did he never hear of Welsh clergymen, ministers of the church, who were themselves not only improperly baptized "in regard to the minister," but also improperly confirmed, or rather, not confirmed at all, in regard to the bishop?

It is an error, an unpardonable error, to misrepresent things under any circumstances, but more particularly in circumstances of so vital a nature as those which affect the church. The writer does not say that Mr. Williams has erred wilfully, but in judgment; which, though it may not be so culpable, does, nevertheless, cry out equally for his protestation, the protestation of every man who has the least attachment to his national church.

The clumsy manner, too, in which it is sought to incorporate the church on the smouldering ashes of Druidism can only expose us, not to the indignation, but to the ridicule, of Christendom. Mr. Williams knows, or at least ought to know, when he says that "the church was in perfect accordance with the primary object of bardism," that he is talking of that spurious bardism consolidated from the delirious dreams of "Old Iolo," who, as a true disciple of the French revolution, was as anxious to found in Siluria a patent Christianity of his own manufacture, as the harpies of the latter were to invent a creed that would suit everybody. Accordingly, "Old Iolo," animated with the spirit of the times, and perhaps having in the distance the occupation of the throne of Llandaff, in addition to the part he already filled in the Chair of Glamorgan, set about to re-model the church, and among other things announced to the world that " the Bards or Druids continued for many centuries after they became Christians, the ministers of religion, even till, and probably in some places long after, the time of the two Athanasian and incipiently popish bishops, Germanus

and Lupus; this is pretty evident from our oldest and most authentic MSS. The bards have, through all ages, considered themselves as a properly qualified priesthood, or ministrators of religion. Much more might be said on this subject, which neither room nor propriety admit of in this place." See vol. ii. Poems, p. 203.

To reply to such trash as this is really painful. We should never have even noticed it had it not been for the degree of prominency with which Mr. Williams brings it forward; and for no other purpose, as far as is evident to us, than to connect the white dress of the Druids with the modern surplice, and so giving to the Principality the credit of the invention, and thereby proving her national church in another very material point, "purely catholic." But " Old Iolo's" object is distinct enough. He had been already declared a great bard of the Chair. He exercised unlimited sway over "the infidels, conjurors, and we know not what." It was therefore but another step, especially as the times were so favourable, to assert his right to the Christian priesthood. He was already a presiding priest in the temple of the goddess Keridwen. Why not attempt, then, a corresponding position among the presbytery of Llandaff? His propositions were rejected. What was the consequence? We hear him denounce everything discordant with his own rabid views as the result of "priestcraft, parson craft, and scribblecraft." A genuine triad certainly; quite worthy of Old Iolo! In vain, however, does he appeal to "ancient and authentic MSS." Let them be produced. Let their authenticity be proved, and then, but not till then, shall we be ready to consider old Gildas as a retailer of falsehood and misrepresentation. Gildas was, perhaps, prejudiced, but we don't believe he ever wilfully misrepresented. He lived within a century after the mission of "the incipiently popish bishops, Germanus and Lupus,"-What a charitable phrase, and how truly does it represent ancient history,— But he does not speak of the bards and Christian priests having ever been identically the same. On the contrary, he addresses either as a separate order; the former as lying scoundrels," not far from the truth, we guess; the latter, as having "neglected the chair of St. Peter," not Rome, it is needless to add, but the ordination service, the lessons for the occasion being taken from St. Peter's Epistles.

Iolo Morganwg was, it cannot be denied, a man well versed in ancient British antiquities, but his judgment was as confined and as prejudiced as his capacity for abuse was extensive and ill directed. He possessed all the essentials of an Ancient Druid, which he claimed to be: he was arrogant, impatient, and intolerable. Much of this might have been forgotten, had not the ill-judged vanity of himself or his friends made known to the world his private correspondence. His bitter attacks on the learned author of Celtic Researches, whom he calls, after his own peculiarly elegant phraseology, a smatter dasher; his sneers at Dr. O. Pughe; his openly accusing Owen Myoyn, his old confederate, of dishonesty; and his uncharitable hatred of the priesthood; form an amusing comment on the adoration paid to "Old Iolo" by Mr. Williams, himself a priest.

But the fairest, if not the best, way of determining what credit