There were nearly 500 Irish students in the different foreign universities, and a number of masters (27) were provided for their instruction. The greater number of students, however, were supported by their own exertions. After they had received a rudimental education in the schools of their native country, they were generally ordained priests before they left Ireland; and some of them as chaplains, some, by the performance of occasional clerical duties, contrived to maintain themselves while prosecuting their theological studies in the university to which they had been sent. It is obvious that the effect of this system was not merely to confer on them the benefits of an enlarged and liberal education in a university, but to polish their manners, and give them those thousand advantages which result from foreign travel and a knowledge of the world. In conse quence of these advantages, there were constantly found among the Romish priests and bishops men of real refinement and of considerable literary attainments. But this system produced another effect also, and one of no little moment to the tranquillity of the empire. It tended to attach the priests, not to the lower classes of their own communion in Ireland, but to the aristocracy and gentry. It did so, not merely by imparting to them such an education as made them welcome guests at the table of the man of rank-even among Protestants-or by giving them a distaste to low habits and associations, but also by uniting them to the upper classes by the ties of gratitude and obligation.

"As they were almost all descended from persons in the humblest circumstances, who could not afford the requisite means for so long and expensive a journey as they were thus compelled to take; it was usual for the Roman Catholic gentry to assist the son of a deserving tenant, not only by presenting him to a burse when in their gift, but by equipping him for his travels, and by smoothing his way, and advancing his interests through their acquaintance with persons of high station, and of their own creed, on the continent. The gratitude with which such kindness was repaid, formed a strong link of attachment between the Roman Catholic aristocracy and the clergy in those days. In some cases, where the young wanderer setting out for the continent was a general favourite in his own neighbourhood, a collection was made in the parish chapel, or in the chapels of several contiguous parishes.

"Such was the mode of obtaining clerical education, up to the period of the French revolution."-Ibid. pp. 5, 6.

How far the interests of truth and the welfare of the United Church in Ireland may eventually be promoted by the interruption of this system, it is not for human sagacity to conjecture. But, certain it is, that its being broken up by the French Revolution produced consequences of the utmost magnitude to the peace of the church and the empire. Nor were these consequences less serious to the Roman Catholics themselves; for whatever effect the establishment of Maynooth has had on their political circumstances, most disastrous have been its results to their moral and spiritual condition as a religious

* The Case of Maynooth College Considered. Dublin, 1836. pp. 5, 6. An excellent pamphlet, to which the writer of this article is happy to refer for the authorities on which several statements are here made.

community. For what greater misfortune can any church experience than to have a body of ill-educated, vulgar, political demagogues, placed over them as their spiritual instructors and guides, in the room of a race of refined and educated gentlemen, of moderate views in theology, and in many instances, of real and genuine, though, as we believe, mistaken piety?

The process by which this change was brought about is not a little remarkable. In the year 1793, an Act was passed, conferring on the Roman Catholics of Ireland certain privileges from which they had hitherto been debarred, and amongst others, the power to endow a college. It is important to notice the different motives which induced parties but little agreed on other points, to desire to take advantage of the permission given in this statute. The necessity of making a new arrangement of some sort was apparent to all. The French Revolution had destroyed the most of the colleges to which the Irish students were formerly sent, and had alienated their property; while the general confusion and the wars which disturbed the whole of Europe, rendered access to the continent difficult and unsafe. Hitherto, the Roman-catholic clergy and aristocracy in Ireland had been closely united, and all their fears and hopes led them to desire the maintenance of peace and a good understanding with the English government. Disturbance and rebellion could have no other than the most injurious consequences to their interests. The least symptom of disaffection on the part of the Irish Romanists, was sure to awaken the jealousy and suspicion of the government, and to threaten a further abridgment of their civil and religious privileges, which at that time could ill afford a diminution. As a body, therefore, the gentry and clergy were loyal. Gradually, however, a middle class had begun to arise among the mercantile men and traders, who, as they acquired wealth, acquired also a longing for political privileges and position. These yearnings after power and independence, together with the feelings excited by the penal laws, did naturally lead them to desire to obtain a more democratical form of government, and to effect a separation from England. In these sentiments the clergy and gentry did not participate; and consequently they desired to have a college at home for the education of the priesthood, not only because they had now no longer the accommodation and advantages of the foreign universities and endowments to resort to, but also because they had a real dislike to the doctrines of the French Revolution, both religious and political, and a real dread of these opinions being brought back by the younger clergy into Ireland. And in this latter view the government also participated; with the additional motive, that by educating the priesthood at home, they might free the state from the apprehensions it entertained, though probably without much reason, (for the Pretender was never very popular in Ireland,) of the connexion with the family of James II. being kept up, and Jacobite projects being aided and encouraged by a priesthood educated on the Continent. The government, therefore, were well disposed to entertain a proposal for providing a college for educating the Romish priests in Ireland. The republican party in Ireland were equally desirous to

have a domestic college established, though from a very different motive.

"The leaders of the popular party, the democrats, the rebels, had their own deep reasons for wishing that the priests should be educated at home. For many years the Popish aristocracy and clergy had held back from taking any active share in politics; they were advocates for peace and submission to the existing laws; but a third class had risen up between them and the people, and became possessed of considerable and increasing influence; these were the successful merchants and shopkeepers. Persons, who having known by experience the pleasure of emerging from obscurity into importance, were anxious to push on to the acquisition of still greater power than the constitution at that time permitted them to enjoy. By these men the cause of emancipation was eagerly urged forward; by them the society of United Irishmen was organized: and many of them ultimately became ringleaders in the rebellion of 1798. The clergy had hitherto been attached to the party of the aristocracy, a party that discountenanced and stood aloof from these new aspirants to political leadership. It was in order to break off this union between the aristocracy and the clergy, that the democratic party were anxious to have the latter educated at home in the midst of their old low associates; and thereby prevent the wearing away of national prejudices, antipathies, and factious recollections, in the expansive range that was formerly taken through other countries, and a long sojourn far away from the bitterness of Irish politics. This country will never be well,' observes Theobald Wolfe Tone, in his private journal, August 15th, 1792, until the Catholics are educated at home, and their clergy elective. Now a good time, because France will not receive their students, and the Catholics are afraid of the revolution.' Hence it formed one of the designs of the United Irishmen, to found a national college."-Ibid. pp. 7, 8.

From Mr. Tone's journal it appears, that what the bishops at first contemplated was no more than diocesan seminaries, such as now exist in several parts of Ireland. The republican party, on the contrary, wanted to found a national college; and, when they had at last succeeded in bringing over some of the bishops to entertain that project, they found, that the prelates meant to receive money from the laity for the endowment, but to exclude them from all share in the management of the institution. After a time, however, the prelates gave an apparent approval of the plans of the laity-but it seems plain that they never cordially approved of it. They did not wish to have the clergy and laity educated together; nor did they choose to admit any one but themselves to a share in the government of the college. The democratical party wanted to have a university which should rival the university of Dublin, and which should be "subject to the joint control of the clergy and laity." The bishops had no wish to identify themselves with the republican party they desired rather to take part with government, and enjoy its protection-they wished to have a college for the clergy alone-and to have it exclusively under their own authority, and subject to no other control. This is the account given by Mr. Emmet of the views of his friends.

"They hoped by its accomplishment to deserve, and probably to acquire to themselves and their fellow-labourers, the gratitude of their countrymen and of posterity, for a wise and comprehensive system of education, which should not only benefit the Catholic body, but also embrace the general civilization of Ireland; which, independent of its direct advantages, might, by the force of

emulation, awake the established institutions from their present torpor, and perhaps even excite the silent sister of the English universities into something like literary exertion. But while they were indulging their enthusiastic expectations, there is strong reason to believe that the Catholic hierarchy had privately stated these proceedings to administration, and given it the option either to permit the members of that religion to establish a popular system of education, which might not be conducted exactly to the satisfaction of the court, or to assist the prelates with its influence and resources to establish another, over which they having entire control, could so manage as to make it subservient to every purpose which government might wish to derive from such an institution. On these latter terms a bargain appears to have been concluded, in which the address to his excellency was to be part of the price for court protection. Certain it is, that after that address was presented, all cooperation and confidence between the prelates and the laity was destroyed, and the gentlemen who were preparing a popular plan, were assured they might desist from their labours, as an arrangement had been made for Catholic education, which should be solely conducted by the bishops, under the auspices of government and the sanction of parliament."-Ibid. pp. 12, 13.

Clearly the Roman-catholic prelates wished to recommend the establishment of a college to government, as a measure deserving of encouragement on political grounds-and on those grounds, doubtless, it was, that government gave them a far larger measure of encouragement and assistance than they had ventured to ask for. "On the 14th of January, 1794, the following Memorial was presented to the lord-lieutenant:"

TO HIS EXCELLENCY, JOHN EARL OF WESTMORELAND, LORD LIEUTENANT GENERAL, AND GOVERNOR GENERAL OF IRELAND. THE HUMBLE MEMORIAL OF THE PRELATES OF THE ROMAN CATHOLIC COMMUNION IN IRELAND.

"MAY IT PLEASE YOUR EXCELLENCY,-Your memorialists beg leave with the greatest deference, to represent to your Excellency—

That a great number of his majesty's subjects in this kingdom are attached to the Roman Catholic religion, insomuch that they have submitted to legal penalties rather than abandon it.

"That the duties of morality have been taught, and religious rites administered, in the manner most acceptable to this portion of his majesty's subjects, by a body of clergymen educated according to the discipline of the Roman Catholic church. The conduct of these clergymen has never suffered the reproach of disaffection or irregularity; on the contrary, they have been complimented, on many occasions, for assiduously instructing their respective flocks in the sacred precepts of charity, and for inculcating obedience to the laws, and veneration for his majesty's royal person and government. Memorialists humbly apprehend that the labours of a body of men thus occupied are useful to the state, and that considerable detriment would ensue to the cause of religion, and to that of good order, which is connected with it, if the public were to be deprived of their services.

Under the laws which formerly existed, your excellency's memorialists were obliged to resort to foreign countries for education, particularly to the kingdom of France, where they had procured many valuable establishments. Four hundred persons were constantly maintained and educated therein, for the ministery of the Roman Catholic religion in Ireland. In the anarchy which at present afflicts that kingdom, these establishments have been necessarily destroyed; and even although lawful authority should be restored, memorialists conceive the loss to be irreparable; for the revenues would not easily be recovered; and as the profligate principles of rebellion and atheism, propagated by the faction which now rules that kingdom, may not be speedily

effaced, they would expose their youth to the contagion of sedition and infidelity, and their country to the danger of thus introducing the pernicious maxims of a licentious philosophy. Memorialists therefore are apprehensive, that it may be found difficult to supply the ministry of the Roman Catholic church in Ireland with proper clergymen, unless seminaries, schools, or academies be instituted for educating the youth destined to receive holy orders according to the discipline of their own church, and under ecclesiastical superiors of their own communion; and they beg leave further to represent, with all due respect to your Excellency's wisdom, that said institution would prove of advantage to the nation at large, and be a matter of great indulgence to his majesty's subjects professing the Roman-catholic religion in Ireland.

"Whilst sentiments unfavourable to the members of their communion prevailed, your Excellency's memorialists were discouraged from seeking the means of education in their native country ; but conceiving that the demeanour of the Roman Catholics has removed such ill opinion, they humbly hope, that the moral instruction of a people who have been legally authorized to acquire landed property in this kingdom, and upon whom many other valuable privileges have been conferred under your Excellency's administration and auspices, may appear to his majesty's ministers a subject not unworthy of his royal consideration and bounty. Your Excellency's memorialists are confirmed in this hope, by the opinion often and publicly expressed by respectable individuals of their Protestant fellow-subjects, that it would conduce to the public good to educate the Irish ecclesiastics of the Roman-catholic religion within his majesty's dominions.

"Your Excellency's memorialists also beg leave humbly to represent, that although the mode of education practised in the University of Dublin may be well adapted to form men for the various departments of public business, yet it is not alike applicable to the ecclesiastics of a very ritual religion, and by no means calculated to impress upon the mind those habits of austere discipline, so indispensable in the character of a Roman-catholic clergyman, that without them he might become a very dangerous member of society.

"That a distinct place of education is also necessary, because the regulations of the Roman-catholic church enjoins that candidates for holy orders shall be proficient in certain branches of learning which are not included in the exercises of the University of Dublin. That even where the Roman-catholic is the established religion, candidates for holy orders are obliged to receive the most important part of their education in seminaries distinct from the public universities. That many persons who destine themselves to the Romancatholic religion in Ireland are not sufficiently opulent to bear the expense of education in the University of Dublin, and of constant residence in the metropolis; it is therefore the more necessary to provide literary instruction for them on more easy conditions: and although the liberality of the present heads of the university might induce them to receive persons on the foundation, yet neither could a sufficient number be thus accommodated, nor would it prove grateful to the feelings of the parties; and many other inconveniences might arise, if young men should observe great temporal advantages conferred upon their fellow-students, whilst they were restricted to the humble walk of a subordinate ministry.

"From these considerations, and conceiving that piety, learning, and subordination would be thereby essentially promoted, your Excellency's memorialists are induced to undertake the establishment of proper places for the education of the clerical youth of their communion. Being advised by counsel, that his majesty's royal licence is necessary, in order legally to secure the funds which they may appropriate for that purpose, they humbly beg leave to solicit your Excellency's recommendation to our most gracious sovereign, that he will be pleased to grant his royal licence for the endowment of academies or seminaries for educating and preparing young persons to