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mercy: Being in this manner tortured, above the space of an hour, he was, at length, run through with a sword; his fellows died in the same fashion. Their carcases were inclosed in three several cages of iron, and hanged up, upon the highest tower of the city, the King in the middle, and higher than the rest.

So, let all the factious and seditious enemies of the church and state perish; but, upon the head of King Charles, let the Crown flourish, Amen.

VOX POPULI:

OR THE

PEOPLE'S HUMBLE DISCOVERY OF THEIR OWN LOYALTY,

And his Majesty's ungrounded Jealousy.

London, printed Anno 1642. Quarto, containing eight pages.

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LTHOUGH the charms of rhetorick have stained your Majesty's declarations, answers, proclamations, speeches, and messages, with all the gall and opposition, that possibly could be infused, to exasperate us into the nature of bad subjects; yet are we resolved to depart from nothing, that may oblige, and court your Majesty to continue our gracious King.

Your evil counsellors have tempted your Majesty, in all they could, to divide your individual person from your regal authority; and we have vowed, in the presence of God, with all the power and industry we have, to keep them inseparable; which being inconsistent with the malignity of that council, which daily joins itself closer to your Majes ty, and divides us, we are necessitated to employ that power, for the separating that malignity from your Majesty, which else will be the ruin of us all, both King and people.

That there is malignity, the strong siding for the Lord Strafford, and for the votes of popish lords in parliament; the difficult yielding to such good acts, as began to establish our peace, and adventuring to question the same, at your Majesty's return from the north, by a query of the freedom of this parliament; the many attempts for dissolving us; the late and slow disarming of the papists; the enticing many worthy men of quality to petition against established votes, to the great distur bance and dishonour of both the houses, and then incensing them to

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sacrifice the peace and liberty (if not the lives) of themselves, and the whole kingdom, to their inconsiderate revenge; and, lastly, the uniting all those into one army, by an illegal commission of array, do abundantly testify to all men's consciences (but such whom passion, and not malice, hath carried from us, we hope wisdom and religion will restore unto us). Besides, what malignity hath been wanting in shameful reproaches, provoking scoffs, false constructions, prejudicate censures, scandalous libels, treacherous plots, both at home and abroad; in slugging all proceedings, that tend to the safety of England or Ireland; in making cheap the repute of parliaments; and, lastly, both in the invitation and consent of deserting the houses, to attend and countenance your Majesty's strange distance from your parliament, and taking *up of arms against it?

We would not accuse your Majesty, our hearts abhor it; nor will our laws suffer it, unless they speak and proceed to extremities, although your Majesty endeavour much to be thought the sole agent: But, as our laws instruct us, we accuse such counsellors, and instruments of régal commands, without which the regal office cannot stand; though we do not instance in all the particular authors, the causes of all things being found but with difficulty; for such, as dare do ill, will not want so much self-love, as to conceal it, having the lives, and livelihood, of them and theirs at stake, to bribe their secrecy, until such time as they grow bold in wickedness, and discover themselves, or he, that seeth in secret, brings them forth to be rewarded openly.

And in this loyal care of your sacred person, and tender respect of your princely honour, finding that, besides the daily discourse of successive dangers, which seemed to be countenanced by your Majesty, and of unsupportable grievances past, and present, both in church and state, with the slow and difficult reparations of either, the people had also strengthened a jealousy, from the intercourse of letters between the pope and your Majesty, then prince, in Spain; from your preferring the embraces of a catholick, before a protestant, to be the consort of your royal bed and bosom; from the increase of papists, priests, jesuits, and a papistical clergy, and ceremonies throughout the land, and the general decrease, and several persecutions of protestants, and faithful preachers; from the common boast, even of papists themselves, that you were of their religion, and that all your Majesty's most secret counsels were first known to them; from the sharp and eager proceedings against Scottish protestants, and slow proceedings against Irish papists and rebels; and, lastly, from the earnest reprieve of priests or jesuits at first, and afterwards of six priests and jesuits; and high accusation desperately prosecuted against six members of our houses of parliament; that your Majesty had certainly given up your faith to the see of Rome. So that, being also inflamed by the rebellious and prodigious massacres of Ireland, there remaining no oaths, nor execrations, sufficient to satisfy jealous people from princes, that once give up their belief to that see, which allows no oaths, nor faith, to be kept to such, whom they shall pronounce hereticks, as they do us, and imposeth a conscientious obedience, secrecy, and assistance to all their dismal

stratagems, we resolved, without publishing the disease, as a sovereign remedy, to settle the militia, and thereto counselled your Majesty.

But what is counsel, if not followed? And what are your Majes ty's acts without counsel? Surely, if your Majesty's acts out of par liament are guided, and are not authentick, but by advice of your Majesty's attorney, judges, or privy counsellors, and they have power to declare so, shall the great council of parliament go less, that gives to all them being, and includes them? Or shall the orders of any of their courts be legal, and shall not those of the parliament be much more?

In this advice, therefore, and resolution of the militia, which your Majesty used, when there was no need, we yet most humbly and earnestly, in this extreme need and necessity of the subject, persist, until your Majesty remove the just occasions of fears, and accord to a sufficient cure of jealousies, by putting the people's safety into the people's own hands; whose jealousies are no whit abated by your Majesty's absence from parliament, and raising of contrary forces, and sending of several menaces, and returning to your old counsels; and the papists chearful interesting themselves in, and rejoicing at all your pro ceedings, they all appearing like so many several omens of the people's return to their old ceremonies, and to their old grievances, or worse; nor can we suffer those, who, by the counsel of the nation, have done faithful service to the nation, to perish for their faithful service.

The acts of Sir John Hotham, and the rest employed for the militia and the navy, had general commands and instructions to authorise them, and have had particular approbations to confirm them; they must not suffer, and we live, nor shall so great a sin make our nation odious to God and man, if we can help it. It is not the allegation of a minor part of parliament can abuse the wiser and more religious sort of your subjects, since all men know, that each man's vote is of equal power and freedom in parliament, and the voices of a few cannot out-eccho a great many; whatsoever, therefore, is there concluded, cannot be but by plurality of voices, which truly makes the parliament, and the dissenting party makes up the faction, if they persist; or, if it should so fall out, that the major part (through neglect, or confidence in them remaining) absent themselves, then are their votes no less included in the persons remaining, than the votes of the whole kingdom in the fulness of parliament: If any be deterred from this freedom, it argues guilt, or cowardice, either of which should pronounce such a one unworthy a trust of so great importance, none being called to the bar, but such as speak directly opposite to the published, or concluded orders of the house, or wilfully to move sedition, by distracting the sense of the house, to the great hinderance, and dangerous delay of more necessary affairs; or else the consciences of men (convinced with their reasons and propositions) would soon engage the major part in their behalf, and not against them: Which thing likewise may be said of those multitudes coming with congratulations to confirm such, as freely discharge their duties; it being the duty of all to speak the sense of the major part of the people, and such confirmations are but the tokens of it; and, if this were not so, we run the greater hazard in your Majesty's displeasure, than the dissenting party in the dissenting of their equals.

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We do avow all our proceedings to be, by the law of God, the integ rity of our own consciences, and the law of the land; the interpretation whereof, whether it be fitting to be delivered up unto your majesty's arbitrament, and such as your majesty will advance thereunto, or to remain in parliament, (wherein the liberty and votes of subjects are preserved) your majesty may judge, or which of these your people will consent to.

As for arbitrary power (which only is incident to kings and princes, who, setting up their will for law, forsake the benefit of counsel) it cannot possibly, in any kind, be a just aspersion on a parliament, which is itself a council, the greatest council, and the very proper foundation of all laws of the kingdom.

We do confess, in this your majesty's absence and dissent, we find a want of that harmony, which should make all our orders as well pleasant and delightful, as good and profitable; and we grieve no less for your majesty, who, in this remoteness, diyest your royal person of all that glory and authority, which should accompany your royal actions. What should your majesty pretend any fear, when your undaunted courage left such a testimony to the contrary, in your passing with so small attendance through the city, and dined there, even then, when the news of Ireland had gauled the memory afresh of former plots, and the zeal of people struck into flame for the dangers of parliament, and were imbittered with the remembrance of hardly-escaped burthens of monopolies and ship-monies, Court of Honour, Star-chamber, High-commission, and the Canons? Or what could less partake of fear, than such a desperate assault of the privileges of parliament, in your own most royal person, with such an uncouth sort of attendants, the very day before?

And, as there was no sign of fear in your majesty, so was there no cause of fear from us, or from any your majesty's subjects, to whom, had we entertained the least disaffection, or disloyalty) there wanted not opportunity, in any of those times, to have endeavoured our own ends; but so far were we from any such attempt, as the malignant persons do falsly belch upon us, that we not only calmed the minds of people, but brought them to undergo those charges towards the English and Scottish armies, which those malignant persons had brought upon your majesty. Having therefore these great testimonies of love and loyalty, What can your majesty fear or suspect? Unless you could yet retain a resolution to consent, or be an actor in some more horrid design, that could provoke your people beyond all what is past, to forget their resolutions of affection and allegiance to your majesty; but sure your royal presence will discuss all fears and jealousies, which your continued ab

sence cannot but foment.

We all have sworn allegiance to your sacred person, as king; we did not the same, when you were prince, nor is it longer of force unto your royal father, that then was king; when your majesty recedes from your kingly office, you are so far absent from the object of our allegiance; there is no difference of benefit to him that hath eyes, and to him that hath none, if light be wanting. All our oaths depend upon the oath your majesty hath taken: O then return unto your parliament, and so unto

your people; return unto your parliament, and so unto your lawful power; return unto your parliament, and so unto your state and glory; where, when your royal assent hath confirmed those necessary privileges, which may keep whole the consciences and estates of your most loyal subjects, all this our body falls into atoms, and your majesty alone remains in glory, to be beheld the preserver of those privileges, which all our long and faithful endeavours have consulted with your majesiy.

A TRUE COPY

OF THE

PETITION OF THE GENTLEWOMEN,

AND

TRADESMEN'S WIVES,

IN AND ABOUT THE CITY OF LONDON,

Delivered to the honourable the knights, citizens, and burgesses of the house of commons, assembled in parliament, on February the fourth, 1641; together with their several reasons, why their sex ought thus to petition, as well as the men; and the manner how both their petitions and reasons were delivered: Likewise the answer, which the honourable assembly sent to them, by Mr. Pym, as they stood at the house-door.

London, printed for J. Wright, 1642. Quarto, containing eight pages.

To the honourable knights, citizens, and burgesses of the house of commons, assembled in parliament.

The humble petition of the gentlewomen, tradesmen's wives, and many others of the female sex, all inhabitants of the city of London, and

the suburbs thereof.

With lowest submission shewing,

THAT we also, with all thankful humility, acknowledging the un

wearied pains, care, and great charge, besides hazard of health and life, which you, the noble worthies of this honourable and renowned assembly have undergone, for the safety both of church and commonwealth, for a long time already past; for which not only we your hum ble petitioners, and all well affected in this kingdom, but also all other good christians are bound now and at all times to acknowledge; yet,

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