power to demand for the use of their men-even for the sick and wounded -any part of the supplies which had been forwarded. To all such applications grim official routine was opposed-"the order must come regularly-must proceed from headquarters must be countersigned, and so forth;" and, unless the great majority of the accounts which have been received from the Crimea are deliberate and malignant falsehoods, it seems impossible to avoid the conclusion that more fearful sacrifices of human life have been made at the altar of official routine than ever were offered at the accursed shrine of Moloch. Even the surgeons, pleading for their patients, could not obtain what they wanted. The routine arrow was stamped upon each Government package, and nothing could be delivered without a special order and receipt. If these things are true-and every man in the country believes them is there not absolute and urgent need for an entire change in our method of administration? We have heard a good deal of late about the reflections which the instability of our Governments casts upon free institutions. Is it not time for us to reflect whether we dare to persist in calling our institutions really free? There is not a despotic government in Europe which would have dealt with its troops as we have done with ours-not one which would not have thought shame to have such a stigma attached to it. Yet such is the result of clerk-government-an evil which, instead of decreasing, has of late years materially increased, and which, unless immediately checked, can only end in the discomfiture and humiliation of the British empire. Why should the aristocracy be blamed for this? We cannot see what semblance of a charge is against them; for they are in no way answerable for the introduction or growth of the clerk-principle. But a far more delicate subject presents itself to our consideration, and that is, whether our present military system of promotion and command is adequate to the exigencies of the crisis. This is a point upon which precipitancy of judgment is very much to be deprecated. A vast deal has been written and we admit that much of it is true-as to the impolicy of intrusting the conduct of a campaign, in which the honour and credit, as well as the political influence, of Britain is concerned to so great a degree, to a man whose military antecedents are so very remote, and whose age may be supposed to have deprived him of some portion of his pristine activity. We certainly have no intention of attempting to criticise Lord Raglan's strategical dispositions; and we think it would have been well had others practised the like forbearance. But it is no reflection whatever upon Lord Raglan to allude to his years as a serious matter for consideration at the present time. He is now sixty-seven, a period of life when the physical powers of man begin to show symptoms of decay, though the intellect remains unimpaired. Then rises the question how far physical energy is a requisite for the commander of an army. If we are to believe the lessons of history, it would appear to be an indispensable qualification. A general does not fulfil his duty by remaining in his tent and receiving reports. He ought to be ubiquitous. He ought to be able to visit the outposts, to examine everything with his own eye, and, by his presence and example, to cheer and animate his men. Well does Shakespeare describe the effect of a leader's personal attention to his troops, in his picture of the English army on the night before the battle of Agincourt ; "The poor condemned English, Like sacrifices, by their watchful fires Sit patiently, and only ruminate The morning's danger; and their gesture sad Investing lank-lean cheeks and war-worn With cheerful semblance and sweet majesty; the Every one who is familiar with the history of the Duke of Wellington-and who is not?-must remember how extraordinary was the activity which he displayed in the field, and how unremitting was the vigilance which he exercised. So also was it with his great rival Napoleon, during the earlier part of his career. These illustrious men were born in the same year, and their age when the battle of Waterloo was fought was only forty-seven. Julius Cæsar was not so old when he effected the conquest of Gaul and invaded Britain. Alexander Great died at the age of thirty-two. Hannibal was only thirty-five when the Romans were defeated at Cannæ; and Scipio Africanus was but a youth when he defeated Hannibal at Zama. All these instances would seem to prove that the energy and personal activity, which cannot be expected from men of advanced years, are among the most valuable qualities which a general in command of forces in the field can possess. Even the exceptions would appear to fortify this view, for of modern veterans in command Blucher and Radetsky afford the most remarkable instances on record of men exhibiting in their advanced years all the alacrity and energy of youth. But both Blucher and Radetsky had led military lives, and were inured to hardship in the field. It is different with Lord Raglan, who has not been engaged in active service for forty years. From what has recently been said in Parliament, we imagine that the home authorities have become alive to this; for Lord Panmure tells us that he had despatched General Simpson to the Crimea, as chief of the staff, thereby relieving Lord Raglan from the consideration of many minor details. not presume to anticipate what effect We shall this step may have upon the reorganisation of the army, but it does not seem to us adequate to the emergency. The real want is an energetic [March, and active chief, in the full possession Wellington and Napoleon, and every of his vigour, who can do that which other successful general have done; who can animate his men by his prebe, by sharing their privations, and sence and example, and, if need who shall be able personally to superintend the whole military dispositions. Raglan can do this, because his years It is useless to expect that Lord exertion and constitution render the necessary would imply no reflection upon his impossible. His recall military skill, nor would it detract tation. The enemy with whom he one iota from his well-deserved repucannot longer cope is Time, which subdues even the most renowned of conquerors, and to that power it is no disgrace to yield. Nay, it cannot even be insinuated that he would have acted more prudently had he declined the proffered command. His sword was at the service of his tently with the honour of his profesSovereign, and he could not, consission, decline to act when called on. Our sympathies are Raglan, because we think he was, with Lord somewhat cruelly, placed by the late Ministry in a false position. He was asked to do more than his years would allow him to perform, without leaving the option of a refusal. Service such as this is likely to prove, man, and most gracefully at such a demands the energies of a younger quish his command. time can the gallant veteran relin not able to continue this branch of Our space is so limited that we are the subject further at the present time. The state of our army in the Crimea, even adopting the most favourable reports, is such as to render, indispensable. in our opinion, Parliamentary inquiry The nation cannot by Lord Palmerston, that the existaccede to the jaunty proposal made ing Ministry should be allowed to hands, and to decide upon the protake the inquiry into their own priety or impropriety of measures for which by far the greater part of them are directly responsible. But it is Minister who is now immediately highly right and laudable that the department should apply himself imcharged with the details of the War mediately, by any kind of investigation in his power, or by sending out persons armed with proper authority to detect and remedy any abuse which may have arisen from official neglect. In this respect Lord Panmure has made a good commencement. The mission of Sir John M'Neill to inspect, and, where necessary, to regulate the arrangements of the Commissariat department, may have important consequences. His intimate acquaintance with the East, his practical business habits, and sagacity, are so many guarantees that he will discharge his duty well and perseveringly. If he fails, it can only be through official obstruction and jealousy, in which, we need hardly add, aristocratic influence cannot possibly have any share. The like may be said as to the new hospital commission; and we can only hope that these steps, which never would have been taken but for the ejection of the late Ministry from power, may be effectual for the preservation of the wasted remnant of our troops. But it is utterly out of the question that, for a long time to come-supposing that they should remain in office for a lengthened period-the Palmerston Ministry can expect the confidence of the country. To gain that, they must deserve it; and so arduous is the task before them, that we may be excused for doubting, on the ground of their individual performances hitherto, whether they are competent for the emergency. The adroitness of their chief, in availing himself of all political chances, is beyond question. He has already got rid of Lord John Russell, who might have been as dangerous in Parliament as a Russian mining engineer, by sending him to Vienna; but the mood of the British public at the present time is too earnest to admit of their wasting applause upon any such paltry exploit. Nay, it is viewed with serious reprobation; for no man in his senses can believe that Lord John is fit to conduct, on the part of Britain, negotiations of magnitude and importance. Lord Palmerston is now in a position of peculiar responsibility. He has undertaken, with very little change in the composition of the late Ministry, to remedy its defects, and to repair-as far as can be, for, alas! the lives of the many thousands who have perished cannot be recalled-its errors. The unanimous wish of the country is for his success; but its expectation, unfortunately, is by no means commensurate with its desire. Postscript.-Since the above article was written, and just as we were sending it to press, the astounding intelligence has reached us that three of her Majesty's Ministers, who had accepted office under Lord Palmerston―viz., Sir James Graham, Mr Gladstone, and Mr Sidney Herbert-have tendered their resignations. As yet no formal explanations have been given; but it is universally understood that the reason which has prompted these gentlemen to take so extraordinary a step, is their insuperable objection to a Parliamentary inquiry into the conduct of the war, the present state of the army, and the cause of the disasters in the Crimea. We shall not prejudge them; but if they can urge no better reasons for abandoning their posts at such a time, thus renewing the confusion which most unfortunately has prevailed for the last month, to the entire obstruction of public business, they need not expect forgiveness at the hands of the country. If they considered themselves debarred from acting as Ministers, on account of the decision of the House of Commons in favour of a Parliamentary inquiry-if they deemed that inquiry to be unconstitutional, or dreaded it on account of their own previous personal responsibility, then they were bound by every consideration of honour and duty not to have accepted office under Lord Palmerston. It neither was nor could be a condition of Lord Palmerston's accession to the Premiership, that the inquiry should be abandoned; and every one of the Ministers who signified their readiness to act along with him must have been aware that it was not in his power to alter the resolution of the House of Commons. It is impossible to exaggerate the gravity of the crisis. We are again—at a time when energy, decision, and unanimity on the part of public men are imperatively required-at a time when the national reputation is deeply engaged, and when our most material interests are at stake-left virtually without a Ministry, in consequence of the secession of another section of those men who undertook the conduct of the war, who have so lamentably mismanaged it, and who have been condemned by the deliberate vote of the same House of Commons, which, little more than two years ago, hailed their accession to power! What Lord Palmerston may do or attempt to do under such circumstances, we shall not venture to predict. He has still, we are told, several mediocrities at his command; and he may possibly endeavour to patch up an Administration out of the Cardwells, Baines's, and such like, who have hitherto occupied inferior stations in the Government. But the Coalition, which was to accomplish such great things for the country, is now for ever dissolved; and may Heaven grant that we shall never see such a Ministry again! Of all organised hypocrisies, it was the worst. Feigning to the public that nothing but the utmost cordiality and concert prevailed, jealousy, intrigue, and disunion were ever in its councils; and when, after a long period of mismanagement, the hour of reckoning came, so great was the responsibility that had been incurred, that one leading member of the Cabinet adopted the desperate step of abandoning his colleagues rather than oppose an inquiry. Two others, who were most deeply implicated, resigned office in consequence of the adverse vote of the House of Commons; and now, three more, who had intimated to Lord Palmerston their willingness to support him, have withdrawn. On the 29th of January, Mr Gladstone, in his place in the House of Commons, recited the epitaph for the Coalition Ministry; and we shall now take the liberty of inscribing it, verbatim, on its tomb : HERE LIE THE DISHONOURED ASHES OF A MINISTRY WHICH FOUND ENGLAND AT PEACE AND LEFT HER AT WAR-WHICH WAS CONTENT TO TAKE THE EMOLUMENTS OF OFFICE AND WIELD THE SCEPTRE OF POWER SO LONG AS NO ONE HAD COURAGE TO QUESTION ITS EXISTENCE. THEY SAW A STORM GATHERING OVER THE COUNTRY-THEY HEARD GRIEVOUS AND AFFLICTING NEWS OF THE STATE OF THE SICK AND WOUNDED IN THE EAST. THESE THINGS DID NOT MOVE THEM; BUT WHEN THE MEMBER FOR SHEFFIELD RAISED HIS HAND TO POINT THE THUNDERBOLT AT THEM, THEN THEY WERE CONSCIENCE-STRICKEN WITH A SENSE OF THEIR GUILT, AND, IN SEEKING TO ESCAPE FROM PUNISHMENT, THEY ABANDONED DUTY. [LONG before public attention was called to the subject by public calamity, most of those who had a familiar knowledge of the soldier, his wants and habits, must have been painfully conscious of the many defects in our military system. The following remarks were written with the intent of exposing one-the clothing iniquity. The completion of the design was interrupted by the commencement of war. The pen was thrown aside for the swordother duties demanded my attention, and the project slumbered between the boards of a portfolio. The events which have since proved the truth of these remarks, have given additional interest and importance to the evils they denounce, and the changes they advocate: what was once expedient has now become a necessity. I have therefore sent them forth without altering their original prophetic character. They were written with an apprehension that our system would break down under trial, but with no anticipation that the evils it might produce would be so terrible. Dread realities have outstripped theory. Fearfully has the system been illustrated in the first campaign! Fearfully verified has been the remark, that bad clothing and a bad commissariat were ever more fatal to the British soldier than the enemies he met in battle! May the dread experiences he has furnished, and the many voices raised in his behalf, be not in vain.] CHAPTER I. How to dress him? Start not, shade of Mistress Glasse! no sacrile gious foot is treading o'er thine ashes. Let not those fierce moustaches which adorn thy face, O Alexis Soyer!-as depicted on the labels of sauce and relish-bristle up as at the approach of some invader of thy gastronome empire. No revolution is threatened to thy realm-no revolution in stews and stew-pans, spits and roasts. It is no hare, first to be caught, then paunched, seethed, and basted-no fat capon, to undergo a series of trussing and larding, that we would dress. The object of our dressing is beyond VOL. LXXVII.-NO. CCCCLXXIV. and above thine art-respected and respectable as it is-O venerable Glasse! O redoubted Soyer! It is a man—a man, too, of the class which has, perhaps, among all the vocations, won most honour and attracted most notice since the world's beginning. Yes; the soldier certainly stands prominent in the world's panorama. Princes have petted him-poets have rhapsodised him-historians flattered, beauty smiled upon him. In respect of the world's estimation he has nought to complain of. The world has used him well; but it has taken it out of him in the. dressing. The 2 B |