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"which the speculations of politicians are conversant,

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as eternity is longer than time. It has one simple "end, to which as a means it is perfectly and exclu"sively adapted; that end is the salvation of the soul."*

Is it possible either that the author had forgotten the express declaration of the Apostle Paul that "godliness is profitable unto all things, having the "promise of the life that now is, and of that which is "to come," or that he could mean to deny that "the "ministry of the Gospel was instituted" for promoting the godliness which in its turn, realizes to us "the promise of the life that now is ?" I should be sorry to load my argument with a reference to that variety of passages in the New as well as the Old Testament, in which the promise of worldly blessings is annexed to religion in the heart and life. But the declaration of Paul, to which I have referred, is immediately followed up and enforced by him in a way calculated to have the effect, if anything can, of rendering our impression of it indelible. "This" (adds he)-what I have now said about godliness and its promise" is a faithful saying, and worthy of all ac"ceptation."

In what possible way can it be maintained, consistently with a declaration so solemnly enforced, that the ministry of the Gospel was not instituted "with 66 any view to civil utility ?" Though we cannot, for an instant, suppose that the author meant to deny * Conder on Protestant Nonconformity, p. 590.

† 1. Tim. Ch. iv. v. 8.

that "the ministry of the Gospel was instituted" for promoting godliness,--it seems equally unaccountable that, admitting this important truth, he should deny the conclusion which we derive from it. If a Gospelministry promote godliness, and godliness promote our interest in "the life that now is"-does a Gospel-ministry not promote that interest? The Apostle's declaration does not even leave us to contemplate our prosperity in "the life that now is," merely as one of the effects of godliness, and consequently of that Gospel-ministry by which godliness is promoted, his words amount to a declaration that such has been the purpose and design of Heaven. He represents the Divine Being as making a promise to godliness-a promise of the blessing in question to men who maintain godliness; and surely it will not be pretended that what God has promised it has not been his purpose and design to fulfil, in the very way and by the very means which correspond to the tenor of the promise; nor can we doubt of its having been his purpose that men should take encouragement from his promise-from his promise even of a worldly blessingto maintain that godliness, and that respect for religious ministrations as the means of promoting it on which the fulfilment of the promise depends. As certainly as the interests of civil society constitute a part of what concerns us in "the life that now is," we must hold it to be to the purpose of God that a regard to these interests should operate-not indeed as our primary and paramount motive-but not the less

truly as a secondary motive to whatever can promote the cause of godliness,-consequently to the maintenance of religious ministrations as essential to godliness, and to the maintenance of ecclesiastical establishments, so far as they are essential to the support of religious ministrations.

Now, we have already seen that an established church is of high importance for an adequate support of those ministrations, by which the cause of godliness or true religion is most effectually maintained ;—and how, then, shall we question their utility for promoting the interest of civil society? Has religion no tendency to make us good and useful members of society? Its salutary influence in this department will scarcely be denied; it is so obvious as of itself to account abundantly for civil governments having, from the beginning, interposed in behalf of religion. Religious principle is, at once, the cheapest and the most effectual instrument that can be employed for accomplishing the ends and purposes of government. It goes far to restrain men from the commission of those crimes, for which the magistrate must otherwise visit the defaulter with punishment. By its influence in reforming the corrupt heart, "out of which are the issues of "life," this purpose is more effectually served than it can ever be by human laws. The laws of men take cognizance only of the outward conduct, and only of those parts of the conduct in respect of which crime may be ascertained by evidence. But religion, by its

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dominion over the heart, strikes at the root of the evil, and, by means of the controlling power of conscience, prevents the commission of many crimes, to which no human laws could ever reach.-Besides, punishment is almost the only sanction by which human laws are enforced; but, when religion would deter us from what is criminal, and engage us to what is praiseworthy, in our capacity as members of society; it does not resort to threatening alone,—it also holds out to us a great reward; it imparts to us a promise (as we have already seen) both of the life that now is, and of that which is to come.

But

It is impossible that enlightened governments can be insensible of the aid which, in these views, they derive from ecclesiastical establishments, so far as such establishments tend to promote true religion. an established church goes farther, it tends to consecrate the state itself, and the rulers of the state. When men in authority are united to those over whom they rule, by a profession of the same faith, and by the same exercises of religious worship, it has a tendency to unite their hearts in one bond of mutual confidence and mutual love. Even the most exalted of those, who are invested with authority, learn to regard the meanest of their subjects as their brethren in Christ and their equals in the sight of God; and to the great body of the people over whom they rule, the most satisfying pledge is afforded for their ruling in the fear of the Lord.

By means of a church establishment, the state dis

charges, at the same time, the duty of a parent to those over whom it presides. It dutifully and kindly offers to all, and more particularly to the young, that wholesome instruction of which individual parents may be, in some cases, neglectful. Without extorting or demanding the consent of any, it courteously presents to the consideration of all, those important truths, on the application of which to their own hearts both their present and their future well-being depend; --and men are thereby taught to look to their rulers with filial reverence-to give them obedience not so much for wrath as for conscience sake."

Is it too much to say that, in this way, a people or nation may approve itself in the sight of Heaven? The Divine Being was pleased, from the beginning, to reward or punish men, not as individuals only, but also in their public or national capacity; and it is vain to argue (however confidently it may be asserted) that this is not the way of God under the Christian dispensation. Is there not, at this hour, a people or nation-that people whom the Lord, at one time, chose for his own—suffering, in their public and national capacity, what was denounced as the punishment of unexampled national iniquity? Is it not made manifest, by their being still preserved and known as a separate people, that it is, strictly speaking, a national punishment to which they are subjected? Do we not also know, upon the authority of the Scriptures of truth, that, as a people and nation, they will yet be restored to the favour of Heaven, and be again honour

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