I thank your excellency a thousand times for the facilities you have procured us, in the supplying ourselves with arms. But I find things must be more arranged before we can avail ourselves of your good

ness.

The enemy's preparations are more sounding than substantial. They mark a radical weakness; and will certainly be impotent when we are fortified with alli

ances.

I have the honour to be with great respect,

ARTHUR LEE."

"PARIS, Dec. 25th, 1778.

To his excellency Baron Schulenburg.

I had the honour of receiving your excellency's favour of the 1st. I am extremely sorry for having troubled you with a representation which seems to have given offence instead of obtaining redress. The character of a merchant nor that of all the merchants in Europe can weigh against the evidence of one's senses. I do assure your excellency upon my honour that the musket which is the specimen of those sent for the best Prussian arms, and which have cost me five livres a piece more than the best arms in France, is one of the worst that I ever beheld. have seen most of the troops in Europe, and I never saw such a musket in a soldier's hand. It has this remarkable trait, that it is neither of the old nor of the new model; but seems to have been a barrel spoilt in attempting to new model it, and this put into a stock of such wood and of such fashion as cannot be imagined worse. There is no mark of its having been examined, upon it. In short a mistake between the new and the old model is out of the question.

But your excellency will give me leave to observe that if my demand was not explicit, it is a little sur

I

in the correspondand myself before

prizing that the house of ence that passed between them the order was executed, did not ask an explanation whether the old or the new model was meant. They knew, though we did not, that there were different kinds of arms of the Prussian make, and therefore that a mistake might happen. As to myself, I had seen the troops at Berlin, and the arsenal furnished with arms of the new model. I had conversed with sundry officers upon the preference due to arms of the Prussian make, and never found any one who by that term did not understand those of the new model. Not knowing therefore that there was any possibility of mistake I did not conceive I could be more explicit. Upon the whole, instead of the best arms in Europe which I promised, I have sent the worst, if the rest are like the specimen sent me. It is not from any doubt of the justice of his majesty's courts that I shall not trouble them with this business. In my situation it is obviously impossible to pursue it in that way. I hope your excellency will pardon me for having given you the pain of reading one letter on the subject, and I should not have added a second, but that there was a sort of censure thrown upon me, which I most assuredly did not deserve. I should have thought myself censurable if I had concealed from your excellency a proceeding on the part of those gentlemen which appeared so flagrant to me. You thought I was alone to blame, in which I cannot in any degree whatsoever concur. I have the honour of enclosing to your excellency a copy of a manifesto, to which the avowedly savage intentions of our enemies have compelled congress. The previous resolution will show your excellency with what reluctance congress has adopted retaliation. As long as it was possible to impute the barbarities committed to the unauthorized malignity of individuals, they exhorted forbearance. But when a solemn avowal on

the part of his Britannic majesty's commissioners, of their determination to exercise the extremes of war, and to desolate for the sole purpose of destroying, had deprived them of the apology they had too generously made for the actions of their enemies; their duty to the people, to humanity, to nations, called from congress this resolution of retaliation. This conduct of our enemies will, like all their other follies and persecutions knit more firmly our confederation. The inhuman purpose of massacre and desolation upon a pretext of our being mortgaged to France, which the very treaty to which they allude expressly contradicts, has armed every hand and heart against them: it has confirmed the wavering, animated the timid, and exasperated the brave. The laws of nations are the common property of all civilized people. A deliberate determination on the part of Great Britain to violate them and recall the practices of barbarians, should render that nation abhorred through all Europe. Our liberties, which were the object of the war, are secure; we are now fighting the battles of humanity and of nations against the avowed and bitter enemies of both. I have the honour to be with the greatest respect your excellency's obedient servant,

A. LEE."

APPENDIX VI.

Letters from Mr. Arthur Lee to the Committee of Correspondence of Congress on Foreign Affairs.

Secret committee.

"NANTES, Feb. 14th, 1777.

Gentlemen,-The enclosed book is esteemed a work of genius, and as such I have thought it proper to be sent to you. We were acquainted with the author in Paris, who is a man of very high character, and so strongly our friend that I have no doubt that if the want of his second volume, which is not yet published, should render any explanation necessary, he will give it with pleasure.

Since I had the honour of writing yesterday, Mr. Thomas Morris has informed me of the agreement he has just concluded with the Farmers General for all the tobacco which shall arrive here on your account, at seventy livres a hundred. It was probably in contemplation of this that they refused to sign the treaty with us, after they had pledged their word for it. Our object was to interest government here through them in our commerce so much as to secure their utmost protection of it; to ensure the export of our produce, which we apprehended the scarcity of shipping and sailors would render impracticable in our own bottoms, and to command a considerable advance of ready money for a full supply of arms, ammunition, rigging, &c. which we might convey with more certainty under their protection. To compass these objects we were induced to offer them such tempting terms. The price they have now agreed to give is certainly a good one, but I fear it will not relieve us

from our difficulties, as there is no advance stipulated, and the difficulty of exportation seems to increase daily.

Our last intelligence from England informs us that a bill is now passing for granting letters of marque against you, or rather for repealing so much of their former act as confined it to the navy. The press there, still continues very violent, but not equally productive; that, together with the great preparation of France and Spain, seems to render the continuance of peace for many months, impossible. From every thing that I can learn, their armaments against you will be very late, if the situation of Europe will suffer them at all. But it is best to prepare for their plan as if it would be executed in its fullest extent, for it is impossible to have such reliance on the politics of Europe, as would justify the hazarding much upon the issue. I believe you have not yet been apprized of what it may be material to you to know, which is that the British government offered to deliver the prisoners taken on Long Island to the East India Company, to be sent to their settlements, if the company would send for them to Gibraltar. This proposition is upon record in the company's books, a general court having been held expressly upon it. Compared with other things it may possibly serve to show their good faith; and it is itself a sufficient evidence of their merciless and tyrannical disposition towards us.

I am with great respect,

A. LEE."

"PARIS, Oct. 6th, 1777.

To the chairman of the committee of foreign affairs.

Gentlemen,-By the Benjamin, from Berlin on the the 11th of June, and from this place on the 29th of July, I had the honour of informing you at large of